(, IPA: ; (
Chinese: 丘達新), born
July 26,
1949 in
Chiang Mai,
Thailand), Thai businessman and
politician, is the former
Prime Minister of Thailand, and the former leader of the populist
Thai Rak Thai Party. He is currently in exile, a resident of London, and owner of the English football club
Manchester City.
[2]
Thaksin started his career in the
Thai police, and later became a successful entrepreneur, establishing
Shin Corporation and
Advanced Info Service, the largest mobile phone operator in Thailand. He became one of the richest people in Thailand prior to entering politics, although he and his family later sold their shares in Shin Corporation. Thaksin entered politics by joining the
Phalang Dharma Party in 1994, and later founded the
Thai Rak Thai (TRT) party in 1998. After a landslide election victory in 2001, he became Prime Minister of Thailand.
Thaksin's distinctive economic,
public health,
education, energy, drugs and
international relations policies made him the first elected Prime Minister in Thai history to complete his term in office, and helped him win a landslide re-election in 2005. Thaksin's policies were particularly effective at alleviating rural poverty (poverty fell by half in 5 years) and at providing near
universal access to affordable
health care. His main support base was the rural poor. Under his government, Thailand's standing on major indices of corruption improved substantially.
[3][4][5]
However, his government was frequently challenged with allegations of corruption, dictatorship,
demagogy,
treason,
conflicts of interest, acting undiplomatically,
tax evasion, the use of legal loopholes and hostility towards
a free press.
[6] He was accused of
lèse-majesté, selling domestic assets to international investors, and
religious desecration.
[7][8] Independent bodies, including
Amnesty International, have also expressed concern at Thaksin's
human rights record.
Human Rights Watch described Thaksin as "a human rights abuser of the worst kind", alleging that he participated in
media suppression and presided over
extrajudicial killings.
[9] A
series of attacks in 2005 and 2006 by
Sondhi Limthongkul and his
People's Alliance for Democracy destroyed Thaksin's name and reputation.
[10] He was also subject to several assassination attempts.
[11][12]
On
19 September 2006, a
military junta known as the
Council for National Security (CNS) overthrew his government in a
bloodless coup while he was attending a
UN meeting in
New York. In exile in England, the CNS warned him against returning to Thailand. His diplomatic
passport was revoked after the CNS accused him of engaging in political activities abroad and Thai embassies were ordered not to facilitate his travels. All Thai media reporting his activities abroad were banned or censored, and Pro-Thaksin and anti-coup websites were also blocked or shut down.
[13] A CNS-appointed tribunal dissolved the Thai Rak Thai party and banned Thaksin and the TRT's executive team of 111 politicians from engaging in politics for 5 years.
[14] The CNS then established a committee that froze his all of his bank accounts, claiming that he had become unusually wealthy during his term in government, and demanded that he return to Thailand to face charges of corruption.
[15][16][17] Although Prime Minister
Surayud Chulanont guaranteed his safety, CNS President
Sonthi Boonyaratkalin warned him that he could be assassinated if he returned.
He is married to
Potjaman Shinawatra, and has one son,
Panthongtae and two daughters, Pintongtha, Peathongtarn.
Family background
Thaksin's great-grandfather
Seng Sae Khu (surname ）was a
Hakka Chinese immigrant from
Meizhou,
Guangdong who arrived in
Siam in the 1860s and settled in Chiang Mai in 1908. His eldest son, Chiang Sae Khu, was born in
Chanthaburi in 1890 and married a Thai woman, called Saeng Somna. Chiang's eldest son, Sak, adopted the Thai surname Shinawatra ("does good routinely") in 1938 because of the country's anti-Chinese movement and the rest of the family also adopted it.
Thaksin's father, Lert, was born in Chiang Mai in 1919 and married Yindi Ramingwong. In 1968, Lert Shinawatra entered politics and became an MP for Chiang Mai and deputy leader of the now-defunct Liberal party. Lert Shinawatra quit politics in 1976.
[18]
Thaksin's great-grandfather Seng Sae Khu made his fortune through
tax farming. The Khu/Shinawatra later founded
Shinawatra Silks and then by moving into finance, construction and property development. Lert Shinawatra opened a coffee shop, grew oranges and flowers in
Chiang Mai's
San Kamphaeng district, and opened two movie theatres, a gas station, and a car and motorcycle dealership. By the time Thaksin was born, the Shinawatra family was one of the richest and most influential families in Chiang Mai.
Early life
Thaksin was born in
San Kamphaeng, Chiang Mai. As a young boy, Thaksin helped his father brew and serve coffee. Thaksin grew up in the village of Sankamphaeng until he was 15, after which he moved to Chiang Mai city to study at
Montfort College. At 16, he helped run one of his father's cinemas.
[19]
Police career
Thaksin attended the 10th class of the
Armed Forces Academies Preparatory School.
[20] He then attended the
Thai Police Cadet Academy and upon graduation, he joined the
Royal Thai Police Department in 1973. He later went on to obtain a master's degree in criminal justice from
Eastern Kentucky University in the
United States, in 1975. In 1978 he received a doctorate in criminal justice at
Sam Houston State University in
Texas with a dissertation on "An Analysis of the Relationship Between the Criminal Justice Educational Process and the Attitude of the Student Toward the Rule of Law."
[21] Returning to Thailand, he reached the position of Deputy Superintendent of the Policy and Planning Sub-division, General Staff Division, Metropolitan Police Bureau. He married
Potjaman Damapong, the daughter of a police general, in 1980.
[22] Thaksin quit the police force in 1987, having ascended to the rank of a Lieutenant-Colonel.
Business career
Early successes and failures
Thaksin and his wife ventured into several businesses while Thaksin was still in the police force. These included opening a silk shop, opening a
movie theatre, and developing an
apartment building. All of these ventures were failures, and left him over 50 million Baht in debt. He established ICSI in 1982, which leased computers to government agencies and was a modest success. However, later ventures in security systems (SOS) and public bus radio services (Bus Sound) were failures.
[23][24] In April 1986, he founded
Advanced Info Service (AIS), which started off as a computer rental business.
[25]
In 1987, after resigning from the police force, he marketed a Thai romance drama called "Baan Sai Thong",
[26] which became a popular success in theaters.
[27] In 1988 he joined with
Pacific Telesis to operate and market the PacLink
pager service, which was a modest success, although Thaksin later sold out his stake in PacLink to establish his own paging company.
23[28] In 1989 Thaksin launched IBC, a
cable television company, which lost money and was later acquired by the CP Group's UTV.
23[29] In 1989, Thaksin established a data networking service, Shinawatra DataCom, which was a failure.
23 It is today known as Advanced Data Network, and is owned by AIS and the TOT.
[30]
Advance Info Service and subsequent ventures
In October 1990,
Advanced Info Service launched analog 900
Mhz mobile phone services after receiving a 20 year
concession from the
Telephone Organization of Thailand in March.
[31] The mobile phone boom in Thailand was just beginning, with Total Access Communications receiving a concession one month later.
[32] AIS grew rapidly and was listed on the
Stock Exchange of Thailand in November 1991. It established a
GSM network in 1994 and eventually became the largest
mobile phone operator in Thailand.
[33] However, AIS's market share declined significantly from 68% to 53% from 2002 to 2006 (while Thaksin was Prime Minister) due to price competition.
[34]
The
Shinawatra Computer and Communications Group was founded in 1987 and listed in The
Stock Exchange of Thailand in 1990.
In 1990, Thaksin founded
Shinawatra Satellite, which has developed and operated a total of four
Thaicom communications satellites.
In 1999, the Shinawatra family spent approximately 1 billion baht establishing
Shinawatra University in
Pathum Thani's
Sam Khok district. The private university offered international programs in
engineering,
architecture, and
business management. After the 2006 military coup, half of the junior students dropped out, fearing repercussions in the job market. As of 2007, the University had an endowment of 300 million baht.
[35]
In 2000, Thaksin acquired the ailing
iTV television station from the
Crown Property Bureau,
Nation Multimedia Group, and
Siam Commercial Bank.
[36][37]
Entry into politics
Political debut as Foreign Minister in the first Chuan government
Thaksin entered politics in late 1994 under the invitation of
Chamlong Srimuang, who had just reclaimed the position of
Palang Dharma Party (PDP) leader from
Boonchu Rojanastien. In a subsequent purge of Boonchu-affiliated PDP Cabinet ministers, Thaksin was appointed Foreign Minister in December 1994, replacing
Prasong Soonsiri.
[38][39]
The PDP soon withdrew from the government over the Sor Por Kor 4-01 land reform corruption scandal, causing the government of
Chuan Leekpai to collapse.
PDP leader and Deputy Prime Minister in the Banharn government
Chamlong, strongly criticized for mishandling internal PDP politics in the last days of the Chuan-government, retired from politics and hand-picked Thaksin as new PDP leader. Thaksin ran for election for the first time in July 1995, winning a parliamentary seat from Bangkok. However, the weakened and internally divided PDP won only 23 seats, compared to 46 in the 1992 elections.
Thaksin joined the government of
Banharn Silpa-acha and was appointed Deputy Prime Minister in charge of Bangkok traffic. In May 1996, Thaksin and 4 other PDP ministers quit the Banharn Cabinet (while retaining their MP seats) to protest widespread allegations of corruption, prompting a Cabinet reshuffle. Many have claimed that Thaksin's move was designed to help give Chamlong Srimuang a boost in the June 1996 Bangkok Governor elections, which Chamlong returned from retirement to contest.
[40] Chamlong lost the election - he and incumbent Governor former PDP-member Krisda Arunwongse na Ayudhya were defeated by Pichit Rattakul, an independent.
Chamlong's failure to buttress the PDP's failing power base in Bangkok amplified internal divisions in the PDP, particularly between Chamlong's "temple" faction and Thaksin's faction. Soon afterwards, Chamlong announced he was retiring again from politics.
Thaksin and the PDP pulled out of the Banharn-government in August 1996. In a subsequent no-confidence debate, the PDP gave evidence against the Banharn government. Soon afterwards, Banharn dissolved Parliament in September 1996.
Fall of the PDP
Thaksin announced that he would not run in the subsequent November 1996 elections, but would remain as leader of the PDP. He claimed that he wanted to devote his energies to campaigning for political reform and supporting other PDP candidates. Some speculated that Thaksin wanted to resign from the party leadership. The PDP suffered a fatal defeat in the elections, winning only 1 seat in Parliament. The PDP soon imploded, with most members resigning. However, the PDP is still in existence, with a different leadership and an insignificant presence in the political sphere.
Although there was much controversy about the root causes of the fall of the PDP, most agree that it was due to internal divisions in the party. Particularly divisive were conflicts between the Chamlong "temple" faction and subsequent generations of outsiders, including Thaksin.
Deputy Prime Minister in the Chavalit government
On
15 August 1997, Thaksin was invited to become Deputy Prime Minister in
Chavalit Yongchaiyudh's government. This occurred soon after the Thai Baht was floated and devalued in
2 July 1997, sparking the
Asian Financial Crisis. Thaksin held this position for only 3 months, leaving on
November 14 after Chavalit resigned.
During an unsuccessful censure debate on
27 September 1997, Democrat
Suthep Thaugsuban accused Thaksin of profiting on insider information about the government's decision to float the Baht.
[41] However, this accusation was not investigated during the subsequent Democrat or TRT governments
[42]
During 1997, Thaksin's flagship company AIS suffered 1.8 billion THB in foreign exchange losses and saw its debt more than double due to the devaluation. However, critics have alleged that Thaksin's businesses suffered much less from the devaluation than rival companies.
[43]
Formation of the Thai Rak Thai Party and the 2001 elections
Thaksin founded the
Thai Rak Thai ("Thais Love Thais" - TRT) party in 1998 along with
Somkid Jatusripitak, PDP ally
Sudarat Keyuraphan,
Purachai Piumsombun,
[44] and 19 others.
With a populist platform often attributed to
Somkid, TRT promised universal access to healthcare, a 3-year debt moratorium for farmers, and 1 million THB locally-managed development funds for all Thai villages.
After Prime Minister Chuan dissolved parliament in November 2000, TRT won a sweeping victory in the
January 2001 elections, the first election held under the People's Constitution of 1997. It was called the most open, corruption-free election in Thai history.
[45] Thai Rak Thai won 248 parliamentary seats (more than any other party previously) and needed only 3 more seats to form a government. Nonetheless, Thaksin opted for a broad coalition with the
Chart Thai Party (41 seats) and the New Aspiration Party (36 seats), while absorbing the smaller Seritham Party (14 seats).
[46]
Prime Minister of Thailand
As Prime Minister, Thaksin Shinawatra initiated many distinctive policies affecting the economy, public health, education, energy, drugs, and international relations. He gained two landslide re-election victories.
[47] Thaksin's policies have been particularly effective at alleviating rural poverty
[3] and at providing affordable health coverage to the people. Because of this, his main support base has been the rural poor.
[4]
His Cabinet was packed with academics, former student leaders, and former leaders of the
Phalang Dharma party, including
Prommin Lertsuridej, Chaturon Chaisang,
Prapat Panyachatraksa, Surapong Suebwonglee,
Somkid Jatusripitak,
Surakiart Sathirathai, and
Sudarat Keyuraphan.
However, his government has been frequently challenged with allegations of dictatorship,
demagogy, corruption, conflicts of interest, human rights offences, acting undiplomatically, the use of legal loopholes and hostility towards
a free press. A controversial leader, he has also been the target of numerous allegations of
lèse-majesté, treason, usurping religious and royal authority, selling assets to international investors,
religious desecration, and siding with the forces of darkness.
[7][8]
March 2001 aeroplane bomb
On
3 March 2001, a
semtex/
white phosphorus bomb exploded on a
Thai Airways International 737 jet minutes before new Prime Minister Thaksin was scheduled to board. The explosion caused a firestorm which consumed nearly the entire airplane on the ground, killing one airline staffer. At the time of the blast, Thaksin was walking with about 150 other passengers toward the plane at the start of a trip to attend a narcotics conference in
Chiang Mai. Officials initially tried to attribute the explosion to a spontaneous explosion in the gas tank of the plane, but most observers saw it as an attempt to assassinate Thaksin.
[52][53][54][55]11
Economic policies
:''see also:
Policies of the Thaksin government#Economic and health policies and
Thaksinomics.''
Thaksin's government had designed its policies to appeal to the rural majority, initiating programs like village-managed
microcredit development funds, low-interest agricultural loans, direct injections of cash into village development funds (the SML scheme), infrastructure development, and the
One Tambon One Product (OTOP) rural small and medium enterprise development program.
Together called
Thaksinomics, many feel that these policies were responsible for bringing about Thailand's economic recovery from the 1997
Asian Financial Crisis and substantially reducing rural poverty. The GDP grew from THB 4.9 trillion to THB 7.1 trillion. Thailand repaid its debts to the
International Monetary Fund 2 years ahead of schedule. Between 2000 and 2004, income in the poorest part of the country, the Northeast, rose 40 per cent while nation-wide poverty fell from 21.3 per cent to 11.3 per cent.
[3] The
Stock Exchange of Thailand outperformed other markets in the region. After facing
fiscal deficits in 2001 and 2002, Thaksin
balanced the national budget, producing comfortable fiscal surpluses for 2003 to 2005. Despite a massive program of infrastructure investments,
balanced budgets were projected for 2006 and 2007.
[57] Public sector debt fell from 57% of GDP in 2001 to 41% in September 2006.
[58][59] Foreign exchange reserves doubled from US$30 billion in 2001 to US$64 billion in 2006.
[60]
Critics claim that
Thaksinomics is little more than a
Keynesian-style economic stimulus policy re-branded as something new and revolutionary. Economists from the Thailand Development Research Institute argue that other factors, such as a revival in export demand, were the primary cause behind the economy's recovery.
[61] Others claimed that the policies got the rural poor "hooked on Thaksin's hand-outs."
[62] Critics also pointed out that Thaksin's
OTOP program, which encouraged rural entrepreneurialism, was not aligned with King
Bhumibol Adulyadej's advocacy for a rural
self-sufficient economy.
[63] Thaksin's supporters have countered that no other democratically-elected Prime Minister has reduced poverty by as much as Thaksin.
Thaksin helped bring Thailand's massive underground lottery system into the legal fold by operating a successful
numbers game (Thai: หวย) run by the Government Lottery Office. Lottery sales of approx. 70 billion THB (2 billion USD) are used for social projects, including the "One District, One Scholarship" program which provided one student from a low-income family in each district with a scholarship to study overseas. Soon after Thaksin was deposed, the junta banned the lottery, claiming it was a social vice, luring the poor to become addicted to gambling, instead of working. The scholarship program was also stopped.
[64][65][66][67][68][69] The military junta also claimed that Thaksin's government "mischievously spent the proceeds in any way it saw fit".
[70]
The Thaksin government reduced the state's control of the media by privatizing MCOT, a large television and radio broadcaster.
[71]
After the
2006 Thailand coup, the military junta rebranded Thaksin's SML scheme as the "sufficiency village development scheme." Villagers wishing to draw down funds from the scheme were required to draft projects based on the King's
self-sufficient economy principles.
[72]
Healthcare policies
Thaksin initiated two key healthcare policies: subsidized universal health care and low-cost universal access to anti-retroviral HIV medication (ARVs). Thaksin's 30-baht/visit universal healthcare program won the applause of the general public, but was criticized by many doctors and officials.
[73][74] Prior to the program's introduction, a large portion of the population had no health insurance and limited access to healthcare. The program helped increase access to healthcare from 76% of the population to 96% of the population.
[75] The program also increased workloads for healthcare employees, and caused many doctors to switch to higher paying careers. It has been criticized for being underfunded. The program led some hospitals to seek alternative sources of income, leading to a boom in the
medical tourism industry, with 1.3 million foreign patients earning Thailand 33 billion THB (approx. 800 million USD) in 2005.
[76][77]
Post-coup Public Health Minister Mongkol Na Songkhla called the 30-baht program a "marketing gimmick" and claimed that the government would "very soon" stop charging patients any fees for visits to state hospitals.
[78]
During the Thaksin government, the number of people living with HIV/AIDS as well as the overall
prevalence rate noticeably declined.
[79] Although successful in expanding access to HIV medication, there have been concerns that a free trade agreement with the US could endanger Thailand's ability to produce generic HIV treatments.
[80]
Thaksin also initiated a radical shift in funding away from major urban hospitals in order to build up primary care in rural areas.
[81]
Thaksin allowed the estimated 2.3 million migrant workers in Thailand to register and seek health coverage under the Thai national healthcare system. They were also eligible for work permits at the end of the registration period, entitling them to full labor protection.
Democrat Party Labour Group Committee Pongsak Plengsaeng criticized the move, claiming that it would lead to unemployment amongst Thais. Pongsak also claimed that alien workers in Thailand have a higher tendency to commit crimes. Thailand's unemployment rate at the time was 1.9%.
[82][83][84]
Anti-drug policies
Thaksin initiated several highly controversial policies to counter a boom in the Thai drug market, particularly in methamphetamine. After earlier anti-drug policies like border blocking (most methamphetamine is produced in
Myanmar), public education, sports, and promoting peer pressure against drug use proved ineffective, Thaksin launched a multi-pronged suppression campaign that aimed to eradicate methamphetamine use in 3 months. The policy consisted of changing the punishment policy for drug addicts, setting provincial arrest and seizure targets, awarding government officials for achieving targets, targeting dealers, and "ruthless" implementation.
Over the next seven weeks, press reports indicate that more than 2,700 people were killed.
[85] The Government claimed that only around 50 of the deaths were at the hands of the police. Human rights critics say a large number were
extrajudicially executed.
[86] The government went out of its way to publicize the campaign, through daily announcements of arrest, seizure, and death statistics.
Thaksin's anti-drug approach was extremely popular. King
Bhumibol, in his 2003 birthday speech, supported Thaksin's approach, although he did request the commander of the police to categorize the deaths between those killed by police and those killed by fellow drug dealers.
[87] Interpretations of his speech differ. Police commander Sant Sarutanond, reopened investigations into the deaths, and again found that few of the deaths were at the hands of the police. A Bangkok university poll conducted in February 2003 revealed 92% of respondents backed Thaksin's approach. The same survey also showed, however, that seven out of 10 people feared being shot by police themselves.
[88] Nevertheless, his anti-drug approach was widely criticized by international community. In fact, the UN tried to investigate the effect of this controversial campaign which prompted Thaksin to response with the famous quote: "The UN is not my father."
[89]
Previous investigations had been conducted while under the premiership of Thaksin, so almost a year after the 2006 coup, the CNS ordered a further investigation into the anti-drug campaign. Former Attorney General Kanit Na Nakhon chaired the special investigative committee. "The special committee will be tasked with an investigation to find out the truth about the deaths as well as to identify remedial measures for their relatives," said Justice Minister Charnchai Likhitjittha.
[90]
According to the Narcotics Control Board, the policy was extremely effective in reducing drug consumption, especially in schools, at least until 2006.
[91] But a 2005 Assumption University opinion poll found that 62% percent believed that drug abuse had increased from 2004 to 2005 and that 68% did not trust the government to solve the drug problem.
[92]
Reducing corruption
Despite repeated allegations of corruption, the Thaksin government reportedly improved Thailand's ability to control corruption. A 2006
World Bank study from 2002-2005 found that Thailand's regulatory quality and ability to control corruption improved twice as much as it had during the 1996-2002 period.
[93]
Transparency International reported that Thailand's reputation for transparency among business executives improved during the years of the Thaksin government. In 2001, Thailand's
Corruption Perceptions Index (CPI) was 3.2, whereas in 2005, the CPI was 3.8.
[94][95][96]
Education policies
Thaksin implemented a series of educational reforms during his government. Chief among those reforms was school decentralization, as mandated by the 1997 People's Constitution.
[97]
Decentralization would have delegated school management from the over-centralized and bureaucratized Ministry of Education to Tambon Administrative Organizations (TAOs). The plan met with massive widespread opposition from Thailand's 700,000 teachers, who would be deprived of their status as civil servants.
[98] There was also widespread fear from teachers that TAOs lack the skills and capabilities required to manage schools. In the face of massive teacher protests and several threats of school closure, Thaksin compromised and gave teachers whose schools were transferred to TAO management two years to transfer to other schools.
[99]
Other reforms included learning reform and related curricular decentralization, mostly through greater use of holistic education and less use of rote learning.
[100]
To increase access to universities for lower income people, Thaksin initiated the Student Loan Fund (SLF) and Income Contingency Loan (ICL) programs. The ICL granted loans regardless of financial status, and required recipients to start repayments when their salaries reach 16,000
Baht a month, with an interest rate equivalent to inflation from the day the loan was granted. The SLF had an eligibility limit on family income but carried interest of 1%, starting one year after graduation. The programs were merged and the income limit modified after Thaksin's government was overthrown.
[101]
Thaksin also initiated the controversial "One District, One Dream School" project, aimed at developing the quality of schools to ensure that every district has at least one high-quality school. The project was criticized, with some claiming that the only beneficiaries were Thaksin and companies selling computers and educational equipment. Many schools also fell deeply into debt in implementing the project, receiving less than adequate financial support from the central government.
[102][103]
In addition, Thaksin altered government state university entrance system. Whereas the former system relied exclusively on a series of nationally standardized exams, Thaksin pushed for a greater emphasis on senior high-school grades, claiming this would focus students on classroom learning rather than private entrance exam tutoring.
Thaksin initiated the Income Contingency Loan program to increase access to higher education. Under the program, needy students may secure a loan to support their studies from vocational to university levels. Thai banks had traditionally not given education loans. Thaksin made Thailand one of the first supporters of
Nicholas Negroponte's
One Laptop Per Child (OLPC) project, with the Thai Ministry of Education committing to purchase 600,000 units.
[104]
Energy policies
:''See also:
Policies of the Thaksin government#Energy policies and
Energy Industry Liberalization and Privatization (Thailand)''
In energy policy, the Thaksin government continued the
Chuan Leekpai government's privatization agenda, but with important changes. Whereas the Chuan government's post-
Asian financial crisis policies sought economic efficiency through industry fragmentation and wholesale
power pool competition,
[105] Thaksin's policies aimed to create
national champions that could reliably support economic growth and become important players in regional energy markets.
[106] Elements of the Thaksin energy liberalization policy included:
★ Privatization of the state-owned oil and gas company
PTT
★ Attempted privatization of the integrated state-owned electricity company
EGAT, without separating the generating and transmission businesses
★ Attempted establishment of an independent regulating agency (traditionally, EGAT had been both an operator and a regulator)
Thaksin also initiated a policy process to encourage renewable energy and energy conservation.
South Thailand insurgency
A resurgence in violence began in 2001 in the three southernmost provinces of Thailand which all have a Muslim, ethnic Malay majority. There is much controversy about the causes of this escalation of the decades long insurgency. Attacks after 2001 concentrated on police, the military, and schools, but civilians have also been targets. Thaksin has been widely criticized for his management of the situation, in particular the storming of the
Krue Se Mosque, the deaths of civilian protesters at Tak Bai, and the unsolved kidnapping of Muslim-lawyer
Somchai Neelapaijit.
[107] In October 2004, 84 Muslim human rights protesters were killed at Tak Bai when the Army broke up a peaceful protest concerning the mistreatment.
[108] After receiving criticism from human rights groups, Thaksin announced escalation of military and police activity in the region.
[109] After the 2006 coup, the Army dropped all charges related to the Tak Bai incident. In July 2005, Thaksin enacted an Emergency Decree to manage the three troubled provinces. Several human rights organizations expressed their concerns that the decree might be used to violate civil liberties.
[110] However, the emergency decree was overwhelmingly popular with both Bangkokians and people in the three southernmost provinces.
[111]
In March 2005, Thaksin established the National Reconciliation Commission, chaired by former Prime Minister
Anand Panyarachun to oversee efforts to bring peace to the troubled South. In its final report released in June 2006, the commission proposed introducing
Islamic law and making
Pattani-Malay (Yawi) an official language in the region. The Thaksin administration assigned a government committee to study the report, while Muslims urged the government to act faster in implementing the proposals.
[112] On the other hand, some elements of the proposals soon met with much criticism. The President of King
Bhumibol Adulyadej's Privy Council, Prem Tinsulanonda, stated "We cannot accept that [proposal] as we are Thai. The country is Thai and the language is Thai. We have to be proud to be Thai and have the Thai language as the sole national language".
[113]
Administrative reform
Ministerial restructuring
One of the most visible of Thaksin's administrative reforms was the restructuring of government department and ministries, labeled the "big bang." It was hailed as a "historic breakthrough" and "the first major reorganization of ministries since King Chulalongkorn set up Thailand’s modern system of departmental government in 1897." Such a restructuring had been studied for years as a means of undermining the perceived rigidities and inertia of the old system, but was never implemented until the Thaksin government.
The restructuring was designed to streamline the bureaucracy and focus it on performance and results. New ministries were carved out in Social and Human Security Development, Tourism and Sports, Natural Resources and Environment, Information and Communication Technology, and Culture. The restructuring caused an unprecedented re-shuffling of senior bureaucrats and underwent intense scrutiny in parliamentary committees.
CEO-governors
Thaksin transformed the role of provincial governors from ceremonial supervisors of ministry officials to active managers of government policy. Historically, central government ministries operated in the provinces through field offices headed by senior officials, who reported back to Bangkok. The Ministry of Interior appointed provincial governors whose role was largely ceremonial.
A key component of Thaksin's administrative reform policy, "CEO-governors" epitomized Thaksin's "transformation of the operating style of the traditional bureaucracy into a more results-oriented instrument that would be responsive." Piloted in 2001 and introduced in all provinces in October 2003, CEO-governors were put in charge of planning and coordinating provincial development and became accountable for overall provincial affairs. The "CEO governors" were assisted by "provincial CFOs" from the Ministry of Finance who reported directly to each governor. The CEO-Governors were authorized to raise funds by issuing bonds and were given an intensive training course. CEO-governors no longer passively signed off state funds to local bodies, but also coordinated their use and ensured that they met explicitly-set performance agreements.
[114][115] After the coup, the junta reverted the role of governors.
Foreign policies
Thaksin was fiercely attacked for tasking diplomats with supporting domestic economic programs, e.g., promoting
OTOP products. Surapong Jayanama, former ambassador to Vietnam claiming that Thaksin's policies were "demeaning" and would do little to enhance Thailand's international stature.
[116]
Thaksin also initiated negotiations for several
free trade agreements with China, Australia, Bahrain, India, and the US. This policy was also criticized, with claims that high-cost Thai industries could be wiped out.
[117]
However, the FTAs may have had a major role in the fast growth of Thai exports. Exports to Australia, Eastern Europe, China and Latin America increased 27-30% in 2006.
[118]
Thailand joined George W. Bush's multinational coalition in the invasion of Iraq, sending a 423-strong humanitarian contingent. It withdrew its troops on
10 September 2004. Two Thai soldiers died in Iraq in an insurgent attack.
Thaksin has also announced that Thailand would forsake foreign aid, and work with donor countries to assist in the development of neighbors in the Greater Mekong Sub-region.
[119]
Thaksin has also been attacked by influential former diplomats for acting undiplomatically with foreign leaders. Kasit Pirom, former Thai ambassador to Japan and the United States, noted at an anti-Thaksin rally "When Khun Thaksin went to the United Nations to attend a joint UN-
Asean session, he did not behave properly when addressing the session, which was co-chaired by the UN secretary-general and the Malaysian premier. In his address Thaksin did not mention the name of the Malaysian premier".
[120]
Thaksin has also been attacked for his support of Deputy Prime Minister
Surakiart Sathirathai's campaign to become UN Secretary General.
[121][122][123][124]
2005 re-election campaign
Under the slogans "Four Years of Repair — Four years of Reconstruction" and "Building Opportunities", Thaksin and the TRT won landslide victories in the
February 2005 elections, sweeping 374 out of 500 seats in Parliament. The election had the highest voter turnout in Thai history and was noted for the marked reduction in vote-buying compared to previous elections.
[125][126][127]
Suvarnabhumi Airport
After 40 years of planning and debate, the Thaksin government completed the construction of the new
Suvarnabhumi Airport. The airport was officially opened a week after a military junta overthrew the government. At the time of completion, it was one of the world's largest airports.
Some members of Thaksin's government were accused of
corruption while overseeing the construction of Suvarnabhumi Airport. However, no accusations were directly made at Thaksin, and to-date, no Thai government, US government, police, or Auditor-General in the investigation has shown any corruption or collusion in the project. The
junta attempted to use allegedly shoddy construction at the airport as one of the justifications for its coup.
[128] However, a
junta-appointed panel of engineers assigned to inspect
the airport noted that damage to the airport was "minute", and "common." This was contrary to accusations made by the junta that the airport was seriously damaged after only 4 months of operations. A spokesman for British Airways, also said that "Everything is normal", and that "We haven't heard any complaints from the staff."
[129] Other international airline representatives have also maintained that they are confident in Suvarnabhumi's safety. A two-week investigation led by
Tortrakul Yomnak, a chief engineer for
Airports of Thailand and prominent supporter of the anti-Thaksin movement, found that the runway was safe, and that cracks could be repaired in as little as a few hours.
[130] At the beginning of the investigation, Tortrakul had warned that the airport might need to be closed for three years.
[131] Other investigations found that the cost of fixing every identified problem at the airport would be less than 1% of the total airline cost, and that 70% of the problems would be fixed within 2007. 20 of the 60 problems were successfully fixed by February 2007.
[132]
Critics noted that junta-led investigations were unlikely to reveal an impartial picture of the airport's shortcomings. "Problems are normal for any new airport. In our case it's made more complex because everybody wants to run down the former prime minister", noted Sumet Jumsai, a leading Thai architect.
[133] Other leading engineers were sharply divided over the root causes of problems faced by the new airport.
[134]
Other criticisms
There have also been complaints that Thaksin appointed relatives to senior positions in the civil service and independent commissions, for example by elevating his cousin, General
Chaiyasit Shinawatra, to Army commander-in-chief.
In August 2002, he was promoted from Deputy Commander of the Armed Forces Development Command to become Deputy Army Chief. Both General Chaiyasit and Defense Minister General
Chavalit Yongchaiyudh denied charges of nepotism at the time. General Chaiyasit replaced General
Somthad Attanan as Army commander-in-chief.
[135] However, General Chaiyasit was replaced by General
Prawit Wongsuwan in August 2004, after only a year in office. His replacement was in response to an escalation of
violence in southern Thailand. Prawit was succeeded by
Sonthi Boonyaratglin in 2005.
[136][137]
Thaksin was also accused of interference after the Senate appointed
Wisut Montriwat (former Deputy Permanent Secretary of the Ministry of Finance) to the position of Auditor General, replacing
Jaruvan Maintaka. The
Constitutional Court has earlier found Jaruvan's nomination illegal and unconstitutional;
[138] however, she refused to acknowledge her ouster without a direct order from the King. Her refusal was highly controversial and sparked a public debate into the
role of the King in Thai politics. The Constitutional Court, Senate and State Audit Commission are technically independent and non-partisan bodies.
Respected former Thai ambassador to the UN
Asda Jayanama, in an anti-Thaksin rally, claimed that Thaksin's two state visits to India were made in order to negotiate a satellite deal for Thaksin's family-owned
Shin Corporation. The accusation was countered by Foreign Minister
Kantathi Suphamongkhon.
[139]
Thaksin's government has been accused of exerting political influence in its
crackdown on unlicensed community radio stations.
[140]
Thaksin has also been accused of being superstitious. His supporters have countered that he is in fact jestful.
[141]
Thaksin often faced harsh comparisons. Social critic
Prawase Wasi compared him to
AIDS, Privy Council President
Prem Tinsulanonda and Senator
Banjerd Singkaneti compared him to
Hitler, Democrat spokesman
Ong-art Klampaibul compared him to
Saddam Hussein, and the newspaper ''
The Nation'' compared him to
Pol Pot.
[142][143][144]
Thaksin has been engaged in a series of lawsuits against American businessman
William L Monson regarding a cable-television joint venture the two partnered in during the 1980s.
Political crisis of 2005-2006
Accusations by Sondhi Limthongkul
The political crisis was catalyzed by several accusations published by media mogul
Sondhi Limthongkul, a former Thaksin supporter. These included accusations that Thaksin:
★ Committed
lèse-majesté against the King
★ Usurped the Royal powers of the King (see
Temple of the Emerald Buddha incident)
★ Restricted press freedom by suing Sondhi after Sondhi printed a sermon by a
controversial monk (see
Luang Ta Maha Bua incident)
★ Masterminded the desecration of the
Erawan shrine (see
Phra Phrom Erawan Shrine incident)
Sale of Shin Corporation
Main articles: Sale of Shin Corporation to Temasek Holdings
On
January 23,
2006, the Shinawatra family sold their entire stake in
Shin Corporation to
Temasek Holdings. The Shinawatra and Damapong families netted about 73 billion
baht (about US$1.88 billion) tax-free from the sale, using a regulation that made individuals who sell shares on the
stock exchange exempt from
capital gains tax.
[145]
The Thailand Securities and Exchange Commission investigated the transaction. "The investigation concluded that Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra and his daughter Pinthongta are clear from all wrongdoing", said SEC secretary-general Thirachai Phuvanatnaranubala on
February 23,
2006.
[146] However, the SEC did find that Thaksin's son,
Panthongtae, committed minor infractions with regard to information disclosure and public tender offers in transactions between 2000 and 2002.
He was fined 6 million THB (about 150,000USD).
[147] Allegations of insider trading by other Shinawatra family members,
Shin Corporation Corp executives, and major shareholders were also investigated. No irregularities were found. On
21 September 2006, the Revenue Department sent a letter to the Shinawatras advising the Shinawatra family not to pay taxes on the transaction. Also in 2006, Revenue Department Director-General Sirot Sawadpanish testified to the military junta's Assets Examination Committee that the transaction was not taxable.
[148] The junta investigated Sirot and 6 other senior Ministry of Finance officials for their role in dispensing legal advice regarding the transaction.
[149]
The transaction made the Prime Minister the target of accusations that he was selling an asset of national importance to a foreign entity, and hence selling out his nation. The Democrat party spokesman compared him to
Saddam Hussein: "Saddam, though a brutal tyrant, still fought the superpower for the Iraqi motherland".
[150]
Supporters, however, counter that Thailand's mobile phone industry is highly competitive, and that little criticism was raised when the
Norwegian firm
Telenor acquired the country's second largest mobile operator. There was also no criticism when Temasek-owned
DBS bought a large stake in
Siam Commercial Bank (majority owned by King
Bhumibol Adulyadej). Democrat Party leader
Abhisit Vejjajiva had earlier criticized Thaksin for not sufficiently opening up the Thai telecom sector to foreigners. Democrat Party deputy leader
Korn Chatikavanij noted "I have always said Shin [Corporation] was safer in Singapore hands than in Thaksin's hands".
[151] Supporters further counter that the complete sale of Shin Corporation by the Shinawatra-Damapong families had been a long-standing demand of some public groups,
[152] as it would allow Thaksin to undertake his duties as Prime Minister without accusation of conflicts of interest.
Anti-Thaksin and pro-Thaksin rallies
Thaksin faced pressure to resign following the sale of Shin Corporation to
Temasek Holdings.
Anti-Thaksin protestors, led by the
People's Alliance for Democracy (PAD), consisted mainly of middle-class Bangkokians. They also included prominent socialites (dubbed the "Blue Blood Jet Set" by the ''
Bangkok Post'') and members of the Thai royal family.
[153]
Media mogul
Sondhi Limthongkul was a prominent leader of the protests. These were joined by academics, students, supporters of the controversial
Santi Asoke Buddhist sect (led by Thaksin's former mentor Chamlong Srimuang) and followers of the controversial monk
Luang Ta Maha Bua. State enterprise employees opposed to privatization followed, even though most
EGAT employees had supported privatization in early 2005. Protestors camped out for months outside Government House.
The protests were divisive. The controversial
Dharmakaya Buddhist sect came out in support of Thaksin. Massive pro-Thaksin rallies were held in Bangkok and several provinces, including a Bangkok rally where an estimated 200,000 attended.
[154]
King
Bhumibol's Privy Council President asked protestors to seek a peaceful resolution to the situation.
[155] In response to
Sondhi Limthongkul's "We Fight For the King" battle-cry, Supreme Commander General Ruengroj Mahasaranond said "Rivals should not involve the monarch in their quarrels".
[156]
On
14 January 2006, hundreds of protestors headed by Sondhi Limthongkul, former senator Pratin Santiprapop, Klanarong Chantik, and Democrat MP Kalaya Sophonpanich stormed into Government House at half past midnight, overwhelming security forces. They occupied the building for twenty minutes before regrouping outside and continuing their protest.
[157]
On
4 February 2006, Thaksin said in an interview that if the King even whispered for him to resign, he would. That very evening, Sondhi spoke at an anti-Thaksin rally, saying, "Where is the army? This talk is enough to bring Thaksin to the execution post." At 9pm that evening, Sondhi visited the Bureau of the Royal Household to petition Privy Council President Prem Tinsulanonda to remove Thaksin from the position of Prime Minister. The Bureau's offices were still open to receive his petition.
[158]
House dissolution and the April 2006 Legislative Election
House dissolution
Thaksin announced a
House dissolution on
24 February 2006, in a bid to end the political crisis. General elections were scheduled for 2 April. In his weekly radio address following the announcement of his decision, the prime minister promised a series of new populist measures, including an increase in the minimum wage and debt relief for farmers.
[159] The opposition
Democrat,
Chart Thai and
Mahachon parties announced a boycott of the election on
27 February.
Thaksin was criticized for calling the snap elections. In an editorial, ''The Nation'' noted that the election "fails to take into consideration a major fallacy of the concept [of democracy], particularly in a less-developed democracy like ours, in which the impoverished, poorly informed masses are easily manipulated by people of his ilk. And Thaksin's manipulation has been well documented.."
[160]
Anti-Thaksin protestors call for royal intervention
On
March 24,
2006 in front of a rally of 50,000,
[161] Democrat party leader
Abhisit Vejjajiva demanded that Thaksin resign and asked for the King
Bhumibol to appoint a replacement.
161 The People's Alliance for Democracy's (PAD), the Law Society of Thailand, and the Press Council of Thailand also called for royal intervention.
[162][163]
The King himself on
26 April dismissed the notion, saying that such an action would be unconstitutional. "Asking for a Royally appointed prime minister is undemocratic. It is, pardon me, a mess. It is irrational."
[164]
Election results
Thaksin's TRT Party won a victory in the boycotted elections, with 462 seats in Parliament with ratio of voters to no-voters of 16-10.
[165]
However, by-elections were needed for 40 TRT candidates (mostly from the Democrat-dominated south) who failed to win the minimum required 20% in an uncontested vote.
[166][167] The Democrat Party refused to contest the by-elections
166 and, along with the
People's Alliance for Democracy, petitioned the Central Administrative Court to cancel them.
[168] Chamlong Srimuang declared that the PAD would ignore the elections and "go on rallying until Thaksin resigns and Thailand gets a royally-appointed prime minister".
[169]
By-elections
Boycotted by-elections in 40 constituencies on
25 April resulted in the TRT winning 25 of the constituencies and losing in 2 constituencies. Yet another round of by-elections on
29 April was scheduled for 13 constituencies. The Thai Rak Thai Party was later accused of hiring smaller parties to contest the election, while the Democrat Party was later accused of hiring smaller parties to not contest the election. According to the
1997 Constitution, uncontested election winners must win at least 20% of registered voters. These by-elections were suspended by the Constitution Court while it deliberated whether or not to disqualify the elections.
Invalidation of the April elections
In a speech on 25 April, King
Bhumibol urged the judiciary to find a way out of the political crisis. In
8 May 2006, the
Constitutional Court ruled 8-6 to invalidate the April elections based on the awkward positioning of voting booths. The ruling was called a landmark case in judicial activism.
[170]The Democrat Party, which had boycotted the April elections, said they were now ready to contest a October election.
[171]
A new election was ordered, later set for
15 October. The Court pressured the Election Commissioners to resign. However, when they did not, the Court found them guilty of malfeance in their management of the April election and jailed them. The
15 October election was cancelled when the
military seized power on 19 September.
After the April 2006 election
Thaksin proposes reconciliatory panel
On
3 April 2006, Thaksin Shinawatra appeared on television to declare victory in the 2006 election, propose a
government of national unity, and proposed the creation of an independent reconciliatory commission to decide whether he should remain Prime Minister.
[172][173] The Democrat Party and the PAD immediately rejected the reconciliation panel. "It's too late for national reconciliation", said Chamlong Srimuang.
[174]
Break from politics
After an audience with King Bhumipol, Thaksin announced on
April 4, 2006 that he would not accept the post of Prime Minister after the Parliament reconvenes, but would continue as Caretaker Prime Minister until then.
[175]
"My main reason for not accepting the post of prime minister is because this year is an auspicious year for the king, whose
60th anniversary on the throne is just 60 days away...I want all Thais to reunite", said Thaksin in a nationally televised speech.
[176]
He then delegated his functions to Caretaker Deputy Prime Minister
Chidchai Wannasathit, moved out of Government House, and went on vacation.
Thaksin's announcement provoked mixed reactions. A Bangkok poll taken 3 weeks after Thaksin's announcement found that TRT policies were still overwhelmingly popular in Bangkok, with 54% preferring TRT policies versus 8% for the Democrats.
[177]
However, a poll conducted in late May found that only 43% percent of Bangkokians wanted Thaksin back as premier while 57% percent believed Thaksin should not return as prime minister. But in the other 20 provinces surveyed in the same poll, 55% percent of respondents favored Thaksin's return as prime minister while 45% percent were opposed.
[178]
The Democrat Party at first welcomed the decision and promised to cooperate to resolve the political crisis. However, they continued their boycott of the April 2006 by-elections. In a celebration on
7 April, PAD leaders announced their new goal was the eradication of the "Thaksin regime".
[179][180] and subsequently formed the
Mass Party.
[181] The
Law Society of Thailand filed a suit with the Supreme Administrative Court, later rejected, alleging that Thaksin's leave was illegal
[182][183][184]
Thaksin returned to work on
19 May 2006, in the wake of the Constitutional Court's nullification of the April elections and catastrophic flooding in the North.
[185] However, political tension remained high. On 22 May, Pairoj Vongvipanon, former dean of the Faculty of Economics,
Chulalongkorn University, warned Thaksin of assassination: "Thaksin must be careful or else he might be killed. Don't think that assassinations cannot occur in Thailand."
[186]
"Finland Plan" controversy and the "charismatic individual"
On the eve of King
Bhumibol Adulyadej's
60th anniversary celebrations, the
Manager newspaper and website published several articles on the "
Finland Plan",
[187][188][189][190] an alleged conspiracy designed by Thaksin and other Thai Rak Thai co-founders aimed at overthrowing the King and seizing control of the country.
[191][192][193] Evidence substantiating the existence of such a conspiracy has never been presented in public. After seizing power, the military junta refused to investigate any of the claims.
Democrat Party deputy secretary-general Thaworn Senniam (Thai: ถาวร เสนเนียม) commented that the Finland Plan was "obviously true".
[194] In retaliation, Thaksin and the TRT sued the owner of the Manager daily Sondhi Limthongkul, its editor, a columnist and two executives for libel.
[195] The Finland Plan accusations were strongly criticized by some in the media for baselessly inflaming hatred.
[196]
On
29 June 2006, Thaksin noted that the political crisis was aggravated "because charismatic people and some organisations outside those sanctioned by the Constitution are trying to overthrow the government, rules and laws, Constitution and democracy."
[197] This prompted speculation that the unnamed "charismatic individual" he was referring to was either royal Privy Council President
Prem Tinsulanonda or King
Bhumibol Adulyadej.
[198] Any criticism of the King is
illegal and highly frowned upon by the Thai public. Thaksin refused to clarify his remarks, provoking fierce criticism.
August 2006 car bomb
On
24 August 2006, a car containing 67 kilograms of explosives was stopped near Thaksin's residence in
Thonburi. Metropolitan Police Bureau Commissioner Lt-General
Wiroj Jantharangsee noted that the explosives in the car were completely assembled, equipped with a remote unit sensor and ready to be detonated, and the effect might be felt one kilometre away.
12 Pol Major
Kamthorn Ooycharoen, head of the police bomb-disposal squad at the scene, also noted that the bomb was live and ready for detonation.
[199] The bomb was composed of sticks
TNT,
M-8 military fuses, TNT,
C4 plastic explosives, a remote control unit, and nine plastic containers containing
ammonium nitrate fuel oil (ANFO).
[200][199] The car was driven by Lieutenant
Thawatchai Klinchana, former personal
chauffeur of
Pallop Pinmanee, Deputy Director of
Internal Security Operations Command (ISOC). Police found that the car had left ISOC headquarters earlier that morning.
[202] Thawatchai was immediately arrested and Pallop was removed from his position at ISOC.
Pallop denied all involvement, noting that "If had wanted to do it, I would have done it more subtly...In my career, I have lead death squads. If I had wanted to kill him, the Prime Minister would not have escaped."
[203][204][205] He also claimed that "the explosives were being transported, they were not assembled to be detonated."
[206] Government critics claimed that the car bomb was a government conspiracy.
[207] Five army officers were later arrested for their role in the plot.
[208] Three officers, including Thawatchai, were released after the military overthrew the Thaksin government.
[209]
September 2006 Coup
Main articles: 2006 Thailand coup d'état
In the evening of
19 September 2006, while Thaksin was visiting
New York City, USA to attend a
United Nations summit and to speak at the
Council on Foreign Relations, a
military junta took control of
Bangkok. Inside Government House, close to 50 soldiers ordered approximately 220 policemen in the complex to lay down their weapons. Troops also surrounded the
Thaicom satellite receiving station and state-run television station Channel 11. By the morning of
20 September, tanks and military vehicles armed with machine guns were stationed at Government House, the Royal Plaza and government units along Rajdamnoen Avenue.
[210]
Troops participating in the coup were from the 1st and 3rd Army Regions, the
Internal Security Operations Command, the Special Warfare Centre and Army units in Nakhon Ratchasima and Prachin Buri provinces and sections of the Navy.
[211] According to coup leader Army Commander General
Sonthi Boonyaratglin, the coup leaders had arrested Deputy Prime Minister
Chitchai Wannasathit and Defense Minister
Thammarak Isaragura na Ayuthaya.
[212] Troops who refused to take part in the coup took mainly a neutral stance and did nothing to prevent the coup.
The military, originally calling itself the
Council for Democratic Reform under the Constitutional Monarch (CDRM), issued a statement citing the government's alleged ''
lèse majesté'', corruption, interference with state agencies, and creation of social divisions as reasons for the coup.
[213] It declared the king of Thailand the head of state, and said elections will be held soon to return democracy to the country. Shinawatra later arrived in
Britain, where he has family and are currently staying at the
Dorchester Hotel in
London.
Aftermath of the coup
After the coup, Thaksin remained a controversial figure. Despite being in exile and having all mention of him censored by all television stations, he still retained significant popularity among the public. All websites showing any support for Thaksin were shut down or blocked by the junta.
[214] A public opinion poll released by
Bangkok University on
26 December 2006 showed he was ranked as the third most admired person in Thailand, behind General
Sonthi Boonyaratglin and Prime Minister
Surayud Chulanont.
[215]
Thai Rak Thai party
Many
Thai Rak Thai party members were reported to have resigned from the party in the aftermath of the coup. These included Somsak Thepsuthin and 100 members of the Wang Nam Yom faction. It was not clear whether
Suriya Jungrungreangkit, another influential member of the faction would also resign. Sonthaya Kunplome also was reported to have led 20 members of the Chonburi faction in resigning from the party. Fear that the party would be dissolved by the junta and its members banned from politics fueled the defections.
[216][217]
On
2 October 2006 Thaksin Shinawatra and his former deputy Somkid Jatusipitak resigned from the Thai Rak Thai Party.
[218][219] Chaturon Chaisang took over as party head. Chaturon later claimed that Thaksin called him and told him that he would stop his political activities.
[220] On 2 February, junta-chief
Sonthi Boonyaratkalin noted that the TRT would probably be dissolved.
[221]
Meanwhile, court cases against the Thai Rak Thai and Democrat parties regarding election fraud in the April 2006 elections continued. In February 2007 witnesses in the case told the Constitution Tribunal that Election Commission investigators forced them to frame the TRT. Boonchoo Soonsuwan, an MP candidate for the Thai Ground Party, testified that he didn't personally know Trairong Intaratat and Phadungsak Klansanoh (both figures close to TRT leaders) but EC panel members, including Police Captain Manoon Wichiennit, told him to say they did and promised they would protect him. Fandy Pasu, another candidate for the Thai Ground Party, also testified that the EC forced him to lie. Both men had previously told the EC that Trairong and Phadungsak hired to run in the
April 2006 legislative election.
[222]
2006 Bangkok New Year's Eve bombings
On
31 December 2006 and
1 January 2007, several bombs exploded in Bangkok. Thaksin later went on CNN to deny any involvement in the bombings.
[223]
Travels
The junta repeatedly warned Thaksin from returning to Thailand.
[224] Thaksin travelled to China and attempted to meet military-appointed Premier
Surayud Chulanont, who was in China for the
ASEAN-China Summit. However, Surayud refused to meet him.
[225] Surayud later denied Thaksin the opportunity to return to Thailand to contest in elections, and said that the appropriate time for him to return would be "after a year", when a newly elected government was already in place.
[226] In April 2007, during an interview where reporters asked Premier Surayud what he would say to Thaksin if he could meet him in person, Surayud responded, "I would say please don't ever come back."
[227]
Thaksin was assaulted while eating at a Thai restaurant in London. A Thai woman threw a glass at him - it was not known whether he was injured.
[228]
His
diplomatic passport was revoked in
31 December 2006 after the junta accused him of engaging in political activities while in exile. Thai embassies were ordered not to facilitate his travels. Traditionally, all former prime ministers and foreign ministers of Thailand were permitted to hold on to their diplomatic passport for life.
[13]
In a subsequent trip to
Russia to receive an honorary degree in science from the
Plehanov Academy of Economics, Thaksin's passport and suitcase were stolen when he was eating at a
McDonalds. The Thai Embassy in
Moscow was willing to provide him a new travel document.
[230]
In January, Thaksin visited Singapore and had a personal meeting with
S. Jayakumar, Singapore's Deputy Prime Minister. The Singapore government claimed the meeting was purely social and private. However, the Thai military government withdrew an invitation to Singapore's foreign minister to visit Thailand, cancelled a civil servant exchange program, and reviewed Singapore's use of Thai territory for military training exercises. Junta-head Sonthi later announced that the mobile phone calls of junta leaders were being bugged by the Singapore government.
[231] During the Singapore trip, Thaksin also gave an interview to
CNN, in which he announced that he was quiting politics. He also denied the junta's accusation that he was behind the
2006 Bangkok bombings. The interview was censored in Thailand, as were interviews with the ''
Asian Wall Street Journal'', ''
Newsweek'', ''
The Economist'', and ''
Time''.
[232] Junta leader
Sonthi Boonyaratkalin claimed to the Thai public that Thaksin insulted and was disrespectful to King
Bhumibol and the royal family in his interviews.
[233][234]
Speaking before a group of 1,000 local politicians and government officials in February, junta assistant secretary general
Saprang Kalayanamitr noted, "The traitor is slated to be banished to live forever in the jungle because there is no place in society for a deceitful politician." Although he did not mention Thaksin's name, the media assumed he was referring to Thaksin.
[235]
Legal charges
The junta established several bodies, including an Assets Examination Committee chaired by Thaksin-critic
Jaruvan Maintaka, to investigate criminal charges against Thaksin and members of his deposed government.
17 As of November 2006, none of the bodies had concluded their investigations or found substantial evidence of corruption, despite offers of immunity for potential witnesses.
[236] As of March 2007, the bodies failed to reveal evidence of wrongdoing to the public, although they did cite findings from initial investigations that concluded that Thaksin violated the law.
[237] All charges of
lèse majesté against Thaksin were dropped by public prosecuters.
[238]
In January 2007, the
Financial Institutions Development Fund complied with an Assets Examination Committee request to file a charge against Thaksin and his wife over their purchase of four 772 million
baht plots of land from the FIDF in 2003. The charge was based on alleged violation of Article 100 of the National Counter Corruption Act, which specificies that government officials and their spouses are prohibited from entering into or having interests in contracts made with state agencies under their authorisation. However, Article 4 of the Act indicates that persons committing malfeasance must be direct supervisors of the damaged party - in this case, the FIDF. At the time,
Bank of Thailand Governor
Pridiyathorn Devakula directly supervised the FIDF, not Thaksin.
[239] Article 29 of the Bank of Thailand Act of 1942 stated that the Prime Minister did not have jurisdiction to oversee the FIDF, because those managing the fund had sole authority for policies, control, oversight and regulations governing the agency.
[240] Pridiyathorn's testimony to the court occurred in secret - Thaksin's legal team was not allowed in the room. The FIDF later noted that the land was sold to the Shinawatras at a price greater than its appraised value.
[241] The case went to the Supreme Court 10 July 2007.
[242]
The Assets Examination Committee also accused Thaksin of issuing an unlawful cabinet resolution approving the spending of state funds to buy rubber saplings. However, it did not accuse him of corruption.
237
In March 2007, the Office of the Attorney-General charged Thaksin's wife and brother-in-law of conspiring to evade taxes of 546 million baht (US$15.6 million) in a 1997 transfer of Shin Corp shares. At the time, the Shinawatra family had asked for advice from the Revenue Department on the matter and were told that they were not liable for taxes. The advice was given by tax official Bencha Louischaroen, and was repeated by two senior colleagues testifying before a Senate investigation panel as well as Department chief Sirot Sawasdipanich. The junta found Sirot guilty of malfeasance.
[243]
The Assets Examination Committee ruled that Thaksiin was guilty of malfeasance for obstructing competition by passing an executive decree that imposed an excise tax for telecom operators. Thaksin's Cabinet approved an executive decree in 2003 that forced telecom operators to pay an excise tax of 10% on revenues for mobile phone operations, and 2% for fixed-line operations. Amounts paid in excise taxes could be deducted from concession fees that the operators had to pay to state-owned telecom operators. Most operators had to pay a concession fee of 25% of revenues; however, the 1997 Constitution stipulated that Thaksin-founded Advanced Info Services was exempted from the concession fee because it was founded before the 1997 Constitution was promulgated. The AEC ruled that the executive decree obstructed free competition in the telecom sector.
[244]
Post-coup criticisms
Thaksin came under harsh criticism from a variety of fronts in the months after the coup. In April 2007, it was revealed that the junta had paid several politicians and academics to discredit the deposed premier. The chief contractor of the campaign was
Chienchuang Kalayanamitr, brother of vocal Thaksin critic General
Saprang Kalayanamitr. Politicians hired to criticize Thaksin included Chat Pattana party leader
Korn Dabbaransi, Democrats
Korn Chatikavanij,
Alongkorn Palabutr and
Korbsak Sabavasu,
Prapat Panya-chatraksa, a key Thai Rak Thai member who defected to the Chat Thai party, plus ex-senator
Kraisak Choonhavan. Academics hired by the CNS included
Wuttipong Piebjriya-wat,
Sophon Supapong,
Naro 
العربية
中国
Français
Deutsch
Ελληνική
हिन्दी
Italiano
日本語
Português
Русский
Español