'Scottish independence' is an ambition of a number of
political parties,
pressure groups and individuals within
Scotland. The issue of Scottish independence, or
sovereignty, has been a major issue within the
politics of Scotland for the best part of thirty years.
The
Kingdom of Scotland was an independent state from its own unification in 843, until 1707, when the
Acts of Union were agreed to with the neighbouring
Kingdom of England. The acts provided for the merging of the two nations by means of dissolution of the
Parliament of Scotland and the
Parliament of England. In their place the new
Parliament of Great Britain was created, however many of Scotland's institutions remained separate and the
Scottish national identity remained strong and distinct.
At the time of the union of the parliaments, the measure was deeply unpopular in both Scotland and England. Indeed, the Scottish signatories to the treaty were forced to sign the documents in secrecy due to mass rioting and unrest in the Scottish capital,
Edinburgh. Since then the restoration of Scotland's independence has been the continuing aim of many within Scotland.
Those who oppose Scottish independence and endorse the continuation of the union claim that cultural, political and economic benefits enjoyed by Scotland as part of a larger state outweigh the loss of statehood. Supporters of Scottish independence claim that the loss of a truly Scottish voice in the world damages the prospects of the nation, and that the
British government acts primarily in the interest of the entire
United Kingdom, which in specific instances is claimed be to the inadvertent or perceived detriment of specifically Scottish interests.
History
Early formation and Wars of Independence
The
Kingdom of Alba was first formed as a unified
nation state in 843 under the rule of
King Kenneth I who as ruler of the Kingdom of
Dál Riata had conquered
Fortriu and later expanded its territories to control parts of the
Kingdom of Strathclyde and
Northumbria. A similar process of amalgamation also came about in the South of
Great Britain with the formation of the
Anglo-Saxon Heptarchy, that developed into the neighbouring
Kingdom of England. The border between the two states was eventually formalised by the
Treaty of York in 1237. The Kingdom of Scotland further expanded with the signing of the
Treaty of Perth with
Norway in 1266, although
Orkney and
Shetland would remain under Norwegian rule until 1468.
[ Scottish Referendums ] A reliance on sea trade led to close links with the
Baltic states, the
Low Countries,
Ireland and
France. A
crisis of succession in 1290 severely weakened Scotland and led to an opportunity for the neighbouring English king, who had recently
conquered Wales, to further increase his power.
Edward I of
England invaded Scotland in 1296 and was initially successful in subduing much of Scotland. However, Edward died in 1307 and Scottish troops under the command of
King Robert I began waging a war of liberation. Initially employing
guerilla tactics that were pioneered by
William Wallace,
[ Robert the Bruce ] Robert was enormously successful and strengthened his position as king, although he was still fighting a de facto civil war against supporters of his murdered rival
John Comyn, who were eventually defeated at the
Battle of Inverurie in 1308. In 1314
Edward II sent a large English army to quell the Scottish rising. However, Edward's superior army was routed at the
Battle of Bannockburn. King Robert had won a decisive victory and Scotland maintained its independence.
Years after the Battle, in
1320, the
Declaration of Arbroath was sent to the
Pope. The declaration reaffirmed Scotland's nationhood and remains one of the most poignant events in the
history of Scotland.
One passage in particular is often quoted from:
:''...for, as long as but a hundred of us remain alive, never will we on any conditions be brought under English rule. It is in truth not for glory, nor riches, nor honours that we are fighting, but for freedom – for that alone, which no honest man gives up but with life itself.''
[1]
England eventually recognised Scottish independence in the
Treaty of Edinburgh-Northampton. After the death of Robert the Bruce however,
Edward Balliol and his supporters renewed the rival claim to the throne and counted on English support, which culminated in an English invasion in 1332, sparking the
Second War of Scottish Independence. The English took
Berwick-upon-Tweed after the
Battle of Halidon Hill but this War coincided with the
Hundred Years' War, and eventually England became preoccupied with this cause. Bruce's son,
David II of Scotland acting in support of France in the
Auld Alliance was taken prisoner at the
Battle of Neville's Cross in 1346 after his disastrous invasion of England, and was only released eleven years later in 1357, after the
Parliament of Scotland agreed to pay a 100,000 Marks ransom in the
Treaty of Berwick, which also marked the last attempt by the Kingdom of England to directly interfere in the
Scottish succession.
Berwick-upon-Tweed itself, remained a disputed territory between England and Scotland, resulting in the
Anglo-Scottish Wars, which involved battles such as the
Battle of Otterburn,
Battle of Nesbit Moor and the
Battle of Humbleton Hill, until the eventual signing of the
Treaty of Perpetual Peace in 1502. This treaty was also later broken however, with Scotland's invasion of England, again as part of the Auld Alliance, in the
War of the League of Cambrai in 1513, culminating in the
Battle of Flodden Field. A further war with England broke out under
King James V with the
Battle of Haddon Rig and
Battle of Solway Moss in 1542. After the King's death, and the coronation of
Mary Queen of Scots, the first proposal for a Union of the two Kingdoms was raised in the
Treaty of Greenwich, which itself ultimately led to further conflict in
The Rough Wooing.
Union of the Crowns
Main articles: Union of the Crowns
In 1603
King James VI of Scotland inherited the throne of England (as King James I), after the death of
Queen Elizabeth I, and thus "united" Scotland and England under a single monarch.
The term "united" itself, though now generally accepted, is misleading; for properly speaking this was merely a
personal or
dynastic union, the crowns remaining both distinct and separate. Despite James' best efforts to create a new
Kingdom of Great Britain,
and
Scotland continued to be resolutely independent
states, maintaining independent
parliaments and
governments.
The new king was initially popular in England as a ruler who already had male heirs waiting in the wing. But James' honeymoon was of very short duration; and his initial political actions and belief in the
Divine Right of Kings were to do much to create a rather negative tone. The greatest and most obvious of these was the question of his exact status and title. James intended to be King of the entire
British Isles, exemplified in his commission of the
Union Flag.
[ King James VI & 1, , David Harris, Willson, Jonathan Cape Ltd, , ] His first obstacle in this imperial ambition however was the attitude of the
Parliament of England which opposed the loss of England's independence.
[2] In Scotland the union desired by James met with the same lack of zeal that it did in England.
For some, whatever pleasure there was in seeing a Scottish king succeeding to the crown of England, rather than the danger for centuries past of an English king seizing the crown of Scotland, was lost in the prospect of Scotland losing its statehood.
Wars of the Three Kingdoms
Flag of the Commonwealth of England
After the execution of
King Charles I the previous year, in 1650, part of the
English Parliament's
New Model Army invaded Scotland to fight Scottish
Covenanters at the start of the
Third English Civil War. The Covenanters, who had fought against the Crown during the
Bishops' Wars and had been allied to the English Parliament in the
First English Civil War, had crowned
Charles II as King of Scots. Despite being outnumbered,
Oliver Cromwell led the Army to crushing victories over Charles's Scottish army commanded by
David Leslie at the battles of
Dunbar and
Inverkeithing. Following the Scottish invasion of England led by Charles II, the New Model Army and local militia forces soundly defeated the Royalists at the
Battle of Worcester, the last pitched battle of the
Wars of the Three Kingdoms. During the
Interregnum, Scotland was kept under the military occupation of the New Model Army under
George Monck. They were kept busy throughout by the
Royalist rising of 1651 to 1654 in the Scottish Highlands and by endemic lawlessness by bandits known as
mosstroopers. The
Commonwealth of England and later
The Protectorate imposed a brief Anglo-Scottish parliamentary union from April 1652, however, the
Restoration of Charles II in 1660 saw the return of Scottish autonomy in the
Parliament of Scotland.
[3]
Acts of Union 1707
Main articles: Acts of Union 1707
The Scottish and English Parliaments signed the Acts of Union of 1707, creating a
Political union. Both the Scottish and the English Parliaments were dissolved, and all their powers were transferred to a new
Parliament of Great Britain located in the largest city in the new United Kingdom,
London. Certain significant matters remained separate, including
Scots law, the
Burgh system,
education in Scotland, the
Church of Scotland and the
Order of the Thistle. Most aspects of
Scottish culture and
Scottish national identity remained strong and distinct.
[4]
Scotland's location within the United Kingdom
On the 16th of January 1707, after three months of clause-by-clause debate, the Scots Parliament voted decisively by 110 to 67 for union. The ultimate securing of the treaty in the
Parliament of Scotland can be attributed to a number of factors.
[ Act of Union 1707 ] One of the primary motivations in favour of the Union was constitutional. In England, the
Glorious Revolution of 1688 that had deposed the Catholic
King Charles II in favour of his Protestant daughter
Queen Mary II and her husband
William of Orange had been widely welcomed, but in Scotland, it was far more controversial. The Presbyterian majority tended to support King William, while the significant minority of Episcopalians and the few Catholics tended to support James. The passing of the
Claim of Right Act 1689 led to the first of the
Jacobite risings, resulting in the
Battles of Killiecrankie,
Dunkeld and
Cromdale.
The
Act of Settlement 1701 was, in many ways, a major cause of the Union. The Parliament of Scotland was not happy with the Act of Settlement, as the English Parliament had determined the heir to the throne was
Sophia of Hanover, grand-daughter of
King James VI of Scotland, without formally consulting the Scottish Parliament. In response, the Scottish Parliament passed the
Salic Law-based
Act of Security in 1704, which gave Scotland the right to choose its own Protestant male successor to the childless
Queen Anne.
As a result, the
Parliament of England — fearing that at the height of the
War of the Spanish Succession, Scotland under a separate, potentially
Stuart, monarchy would restore the
Auld Alliance with
France — decided that, in order to deter any potential French-supported Jacobite invasion of Great Britain, full union of the two Parliaments and nations was essential before Anne's death, and with French military power weakened after the
Battle of Blenheim, used a combination of exclusionary legislation (the
Alien Act of 1705), politics, and bribery to achieve it within three years under the Act of Union 1707. This was in marked contrast to the four attempts at political union between 1606 and 1689, which all failed owing to a lack of political will in both kingdoms. By virtue of Article II of the Treaty of Union, which defined the succession to the British Crown, the Act of Settlement became part of
Scots Law as well.
The failure of the
Darien scheme, which had effectively bankrupted many people in Scotland and drained the fragile Scottish economy of more than a quarter of its
liquid assets, was another major incentive. Many Commissioners had invested heavily in the
Company of Scotland and they believed that they would receive compensation for their losses; Article 14 of the Act of Union stipulated that a future Parliament of Great Britain would grant
£398,085 10
s sterling to Scotland to offset future Scottish liability towards the English national debt. In essence, it was also used as a means of compensation for Scotland's losses in the Darien Scheme.
[5] Half of Scotland's trade in the early 1700's was with England, and this, along with the offer of further
free trade with England's already extensive
overseas colonies, was likely one of the principal reasons the Acts of Union were not as heavily resisted by the government of Scotland as they had with other previous attempts to amalgamate the two countries. Bribery was also prevalent,
money was dispatched from England to Scotland for distribution by the
Earl of Glasgow. Some of this money was used to hire
spies, such as
Daniel Defoe. To many Scots, this amounted to little more than treachery. Several decades later, National bard
Robert Burns would express his contempt for the actions of the old Scots Parliament:
:''What force or guile could not subdue''
:''Through many warlike ages''
:''Is wrought now by a coward few''
:''For hireling traitors wages''
:''The English steel we could disdain''
:''Secure in valours station''
:''But English gold has been our bane''
:''Sic a parcel of rogues in a nation''
The Acts of Union were largely unpopular amongst the general population in Scotland.
[6] Many
petitions were sent to parliament against the union, and there were protests in
Edinburgh and several other Scottish towns on the day it was passed, threats of widespread civil unrest resulted in the imposition of
martial law. As a result of the unrest in the capital, the signing of the treaty had to be conducted in secrecy.
[7] Sir George Lockhart of Carnwath noted that "the whole nation appears against the Union."
Sir John Clerk of Penicuik, an ardent pro-unionist, observed that the treaty was "contrary to the inclinations of at least three-fourths of the Kingdom".
[8] On the day the treaty was signed, the
carilloner in
St Giles Cathedral, Edinburgh, rang the bells in the tune ''Why should I be so sad on my wedding day?''
[9] Despite this initial opposition, the benefits to Scotland from the Acts of Union soon became apparent with the beginning of the
Scottish Enlightenment,
American Tobacco Trade and later growth from the expansion of the
British Empire and
Industrial Revolution which led to the rapid expansion and industrialisation of
Edinburgh and
Glasgow.
Scottish home rule
Main articles: Scottish Assembly
The
Visit of King George IV to Scotland in 1822 did much to reinvigorate Scotland's national identity, which had been split between the
Episcopalian and
Roman Catholic-dominated
Highlands and the
Presbyterian-dominated
Lowlands since the
Glorious Revolution in 1688, and continued during the 18th century through the
Jacobite risings, the
Act of Proscription and subsequent process of
Highland Clearances by landlords. From the mid
19th century calls for the
devolution of control over Scottish affairs began to be raised, but support for full independence remained limited. The "home rule" movement for a
Scottish Assembly was first taken up in 1853 by a body close to the
Conservative Party, complaining about the fact that Ireland received more support from the British Government than Scotland and soon began to receive
Liberal Party backing,
In 1885, the Post of
Secretary for Scotland and the
Scottish Office were re-established to promote Scotland’s interests and voice its grievances to the British Parliament. In 1886 however,
William Gladstone introduced the
Irish Home Rule Bill. When many Scots compared what they had to the Irish offer of Home Rule, this was considered inadequete. It was not an immediate constitutional priority however, especially after the Irish Home Rule Bill was defeated in the
House of Commons, and by the time a Scottish home rule bill was first presented to parliament in 1913, its progress, along with the
Irish Home Rule Act 1914 was interrupted by
World War I.
The Scottish National Party itself was formed in 1934 after the union of the
National Party of Scotland and
Scottish Party. The SNP did not support all-out independence for Scotland, but rather the establishment of a devolved
Scottish Assembly, within the United Kingdom. This became the party's initial position on the constitutional status of Scotland as a result of a compromise between the NPS, who did support independence, and the Scottish Party who were devolutionists. However, the SNP quickly reverted to the original NPS stance of supporting full independence for Scotland. The
Interwar period proved difficult years for the SNP, with the rise of undemocratic nationalist forces in Europe in the shape of fascism in Italy and Spain and
national socialism in Germany. The alleged similarity between SNP and foreign nationalists, combined with other factors such as a lack of profile in the mainstream media made it difficult for the SNP to grow
[11].
The concept of full independence or the less contoversial
Home-rule, did not re-enter the Scottish mainstream until the 1960's, with the famous
Wind of Change speech by
Harold MacMillan, which marked the high-point of
Decolonisation and the decline of the
British Empire, which had already suffered the humiliation of the 1956
Suez Crisis. For many in Scotland, this served to undermine one of the principal
raison d'êtres of the
United Kingdom and also symbolised the end of popular
imperialism and imperial unity which had united the prominent
Scottish Unionist Party, which subsequently entered a steady decline in support
[12] [13]. The SNP won a Parliamentary seat in 1967, when
Winnie Ewing was the surprise winner of the
Hamilton by-election, 1967. This brought the SNP to national prominence, leading to
Edward Heath's 1968
Declaration of Perth and the establishment of the
Kilbrandon Commission.
[14]
1970s resurgence
The discovery of
North Sea oil off the east coast of Scotland further invigorated the debate over Scottish independence.
[ The Devolution Debate This Century ] The
Scottish National Party organised a hugely successful campaign entitled "
It's Scotland's oil", emphasising the way in which the discovery of oil could benefit Scotland's then-struggling
Deindustrialising economy and its populace.
In the
February 1974 General Election the SNP returned 7 MPs. The failure of the Labour Party to secure an overall majority prompted them to quickly return to the polls. In the subsequent
October 1974 election, the SNP performed even better than they had done earlier in the year, winning 11 MPs and managing to garner over 30% of the total vote in Scotland.
[15]
The Labour Party under
Harold Wilson had won the election by a tiny majority of only 3 seats. Following their election to parliament, the SNP MPs pressed for the creation of a
Scottish Assembly, which was given added credibility after the conclusions of the Kilbrandon Commission. However, opponents demanded that a referendum be held on the issue. Although the
Labour Party and the Scottish National Party both officially supported devolution, support was split in both parties. Labour was divided between those who favoured devolution and those who wanted to maintain a full central Westminster government. In the SNP, there was division between those who saw devolution as a stepping stone to independence and those who feared it might actually distract from that ultimate goal.
The resignation of Harold Wilson brought
James Callaghan to power, however its small majority was eroded with several by-election losses and the government became increasingly unpopular due to the
Winter of Discontent, although an arrangement was negotiated in 1977 with the
Liberals known as the
Lib-Lab pact and a succession of deals with the Scottish National Party and
Plaid Cymru to hold referendums on devolution in exchange for their support, had helped to prolong the government's life.
The result of the referendum in Scotland was a narrow majority in favour of devolution (52% to 48%).
However, a condition of the referendum was that 40% of the total electorate should vote in favour in order to make it valid. Thus, with a turnout of 63.6%, only 32.9% had voted "Yes". The
Scotland Act 1978 was consequently repealed in March 1979 by a vote of 301-206 in parliament. In the wake of the referendum the supporters of the bill conducted a protest campaign under the slogan "Scotland said yes". They argued that the 40% rule was undemocratic and that the referendum results justified the establishment of the assembly. However, campaigners for a "No" vote countered that voters had been told before the referendum that failing to vote itself was as good as a "No"
[16]. It was therefore incorrect to conclude that the 36.4% who did not vote, was entirely down to
Voter apathy.
In protest, the Scottish National Party MP's withdrew their support from the government. A
vote of no confidence was then tabled by the Conservatives and supported by the SNP, the Liberals and
Ulster Unionists. It passed by one vote on 28 March 1979, forcing the
May 1979 General Election, which was won by
Margaret Thatcher, effectively ending the
Post-war consensus. The then Labour Prime Minister,
James Callaghan, famously described this decision by the SNP as that of, 'turkeys voting for Christmas'
[17] [18]. The SNP returned only two MP's in the 1979 election.
Devolution
Debating chamber of the Scottish Parliament
Supporters of Scottish independence continued to hold mixed views on the
Home Rule movement which included many supporters of union who wanted devolution within the framework of the
United Kingdom. Some saw it as a stepping stone to independence, while others wanted to go straight for independence.
[19]
In the years of the Conservative government post 1979, the
Campaign for a Scottish Assembly led to the
Scottish Constitutional Convention. The convention promoted consensus on devolution on a cross-party basis, though the Conservative Party refused to co-operate and the Scottish National Party withdrew from the discussions when it became clear that the convention was unwilling to discuss Scottish independence as a constitutional option.
Arguments against devolution and the Scottish Parliament, levelled mainly by the Conservative Party, were that the Parliament would create a "slippery slope" to Scottish independence, and provide the pro-independence Scottish National Party with a route to government.
[20] John Major, the Conservative prime minister before May 1997, campaigned during the 1997 General Election on the slogan "72 hours to save the union".
[21]
The Labour Party won the
1997 General Election and
Donald Dewar as
Secretary of State for Scotland agreed to the proposals for a
Scottish Parliament. A referendum was held in September of that year and seventy-five percent of those who voted approved the devolution plan.
[22] The
Parliament of the United Kingdom subsequently approved the
Scotland Act which created an elected
Scottish Parliament with control over most domestic policy, with the exception of various
Reserved matters.
In May 1999 Scotland held its
first election for a devolved parliament and in July the Scottish Parliament held session for the first time since the previous parliament had been adjourned in 1707. The Scottish Parliament had one hundred and twenty-nine members elected by the
Additional Member System, which is a combination of
first past the post and
proportional representation. The Labour Party's Donald Dewar became the
First Minister of Scotland, while the Scottish National Party became the main opposition party. With the approval of all parties, the egalitarian song "
A Man's A Man for A' That" by
Robert Burns, was performed at the opening ceremony of the Scottish Parliament.
The Scottish National Party emerged from the
2007 Scottish Parliament election as the single largest party by a margin of one seat,
[23] breaking the
Labour Party's 30 year dominance of
politics in Scotland. Lacking an overall
majority, the Scottish National Party formed a
minority government, installing veteran leader
Alex Salmond as
First Minister of Scotland. Alex Salmond has announced that his government intends to publish a
white paper that will include issuing a bill on holding an independence
Referendum to the Scottish Parliament. If this was passed by Parliament and a "yes" outcome was obtained in a subsequent national plebiscite, it would establish a mandate for the
Scottish Executive to open talks with the
British Government, with a view to repealing the
Acts of Union 1707, eventually restoring Scotland's independent sovereignty.
[24] However, the
Scottish Labour Party,
Scottish Conservative Party and
Scottish Liberal Democrats have stated they will collectively oppose any plans to hold such a referendum on independence.
Support for independence
Nationalism
The
Scots National League formed in 1921 as a body primarily based in
London seeking Scottish independence, largely influenced by
Sinn Féin. They established the
Scots Independent newspaper in 1926 and in 1928 they helped the
Glasgow University Scottish Nationalist Association form the
National Party of Scotland, aiming at a separate Scottish state. One of the founders was
Hugh MacDiarmid, a poet who had begun promoting a Scottish literature, while others had Labour Party links.
They cooperated with the
Scottish Party, a home rule organisation formed in 1932 by former members of the
Conservative Party, and in 1934 they merged to form the
Scottish National Party which at first supported only home rule, but then changed to supporting independence. They suffered a setback in the 1930s when the name of nationalism became associated with the
National Socialists in
Germany, however it's important to emphasise that Scottish nationalism is based on
civic nationalism rather than ethnic or ultra-nationalism.
[25] The SNP enjoyed a number of election successes in the 1960s, and the discovery of
North Sea oil in the 1970s countered concerns about the economic viability of an independent Scotland.
The discovery of North Sea oil and the subsequent revenues that went to the United Kingdom treasury have been argued to have benefited Scotland little, with many conservative estimates suggesting almost £200bn of revenue have been amassed thus far. There are also a number of other organisations with a primarily nationalist ideological orientation, from
Siol nan Gaidheal, which seeks to revitalise the independence movement through primarily cultural means, to the militant
Scottish National Liberation Army.
Republicanism
The independence movement is a disparate one that covers varied political standpoints. While many are
republican, this is not
Scottish National Party policy. The SNP styles itself as an inclusive institution, subordinating ideological tensions to the primary goal of securing independence. Many nationalists, including Alex Salmond, personally support the retention of the current,
Head of State - who herself is half-Scottish, through her mother,
Elizabeth Bowes-Lyon - with Scotland becoming a
Commonwealth Realm, similar to
Canada or
Australia, should independence occur. Proportional representation has led to the election to the Scottish Parliament of smaller parties with various political positions but which have independence as a goal; in the
2003 Scottish Parliament election the gains made by the
Scottish Green Party and the
Scottish Socialist Party boosted the number of pro-independence MSPs. The Scottish Socialist Party has led republican protests and authored the
Declaration of Calton Hill, calling for an independent republic.
[26]
National liberation
There are a number of supporters of Scottish independence who do not subscribe to the mainstream nationalist viewpoint. Instead they see Scottish independence as a national
liberation movement and seek to build an inclusive independent Scottish state. This view of national liberation for Scotland typically supports the rights of
asylum seekers to settle in Scotland and opposes any curtailment of
civil liberties.
Self-determination
A number of cross party groupings have been established with the aim of widening the scope of the pro-independence viewpoint and campaigning for a referendum on the issue. The most significant being the
Independence Convention which seeks "Firstly, to create a forum for those of all political persuasions and none who support independence; and secondly, to be a national catalyst for Scottish independence."
[27] Another being
Independence First, a pro-referendum
pressure group which has organised public demonstrations.
Political parties
Scottish independence is supported most prominently by the
Scottish National Party, but other parties also have pro-independence policies. Among them are the
Scottish Green Party, the
Scottish Socialist Party,
Solidarity and the
Scottish Enterprise Party.
Fifty of the seats in the Scottish Parliament are held by pro-independence members, nearly 40% of the total. This comprises 47 Scottish National Party members, two Green members and
Margo MacDonald, an independent politician.
Opposition
Main articles: Unionists (Scotland)
There is a body of opinion opposed to Scottish independence and in favour of the continuation of the union with
England,
Wales, and
Northern Ireland. This has never emerged as a homogeneous movement, but rather represents a general consensus of the main
British political parties and specifically within the
Scottish Parliament, by the
Scottish Labour Party,
Scottish Conservative Party and
Scottish Liberal Democrats, who since the
2007 election, collectively hold 79 of the 129 seats, over 60% of the Parliament. It is a broad viewpoint that ranges from those in support of the United Kingdom as a centralised
unitary state governed exclusively by the
Parliament of the United Kingdom, to those who support varying degrees of
devolved transfer of administrative and legislative responsibilities from
Westminster to
Holyrood, including those who support a solution to the
West Lothian question, such as
Federalism, similar to
Germany,
Canada or the
United States.
Many opposed to independence point out that the
Economy of Scotland has performed well in recent years, with consistent economic growth
[28],
urban regeneration [29], a growing population
[30], historically low unemployment rates
[31], Edinburgh's position as Europe's fifth largest financial centre
[32] and Scottish
GDP per capita being the largest of any part of the United Kingdom after
Greater London. As a result of this, Unionists believe Scotland is economically stronger as a part of the United Kingdom, or rather that a country as relatively small as Scotland would find it comparatively difficult to prosper without the protection of being part of an economically
powerful state.
[33] Also, with the removal of the
Treasury's Barnett formula, an independent Scotland may find it difficult to sustain current levels of
public spending, without raising taxes, as
North Sea oil revenues would decline in the longer-term
[34], although others argue that a culture of maintaining a comparatively large public sector and
welfare state in Scotland is also an impediment to more substantial and competitive economic growth, with some wishing to devolve more fiscal powers to the Scottish Parliament in order to address this issue within the broader framework of the Union.
[35] [36] [37] Others argue that as part of an unitary British state, Scotland has more influence on
international affairs and diplomacy, both
politically and
militarily, as part of
NATO, the
G8 and as a permanent member of the
UN Security Council. Some within Scotland who oppose the aims of the
European Union also claim that independence within Europe would, paradoxically, mean that Scotland would be more marginalised, as a small independent country applying to join the EU, Scotland would be unable to resist the whims and demands of larger member nations, such as being obliged to adopt the
Euro and have no greater influence over the formation of treaties like the
Common Fisheries Policy[38], and as a result would be even more politically "impotent" with the resulting loss of its current political influence within the UK Government, which has been claimed by some to be so significant that it has been occasionally dubbed as the "''
Scottish mafia''".
[39] There are others who view a desire for independence as symptomatic of the so-called
parochial "''
Scottish cringe''" and assert that many nationalists are ultimately
Anglophobic in their attitude towards the Union.
[40] [41] As a result, many unionists emphasise the historical and contemporary cultural ties between Scotland and the rest of the UK, from the Scottish involvement in the growth and development of the
British Empire and contribution of the
Scottish Enlightenment, to a shared
Popular culture primarily through the prevalence of the
English language and a shared
currency, to the current demographics, where almost half of the Scottish population have relatives in England, almost a million Scots living and working in England and 400,000
Anglo-Scots now living in Scotland. There are also significant economic links with the Scottish
Military-industrial complex [34] as well as close links between the Scottish financial sector and
London-based financial institutions, such as the
London Stock Exchange[43].
Public opinion
Despite the large number of
opinion polls conducted on the issue, it's difficult to accurately gauge Scottish public opinion on independence because of the often widely varying results of the polls. For example, an opinion poll published by the
The Scotsman newspaper in November 2006 revealed that a "Majority of Scots now favour independence".
[44] However, a poll conducted only a matter of weeks later purported the exact opposite. The research funded by
Channel 4 reported that "The figure in support of Scottish independence had seemingly dropped".
[9] A third poll by
The Daily Telegraph claimed that a significant proportion of Britons would accept the breakup of the United Kingdom.
[46] Research conducted in early 2007 revealed that Scottish independence was increasingly appealing to younger Scots.
[47]
When polls give three options, including an option for greater
devolution but stopping short of independence, support for independence declines. In a poll by
The Times, published in April 2007, given a choice between independence, the status quo, or greater powers for the Scottish Parliament within the United Kingdom, the last option had majority support.
[48] The issue of public support for a referendum on Scottish independence is much more clear cut. Polls show a consistent support for a referendum even amongst those who support the continuation of the union. Most opinion polls place the figure of support for a referendum around 70–75%.
[49]
See also
★
English nationalism
★
Irish nationalism
★
Welsh nationalism
★
List of active autonomist and secessionist movements
References
1. The Declaration of Arbroath (English Translation)
2. King James, , Pauline, Croft, Basingstoke and New York: Palgrave Macmillan, ,
3. [1]
4. Act of Union is key to Scottish identity
5. Lynch (2001) p604-606
6. Union of the Parliaments 1707
7. Treaty was signed 'in the female toilets of restaurant'
8. Chronology of Scottish Politics
9. Do the Scots support independence?
10. [2]
11. http://www.scottishindependence.com/snp_history.htm
12. [3]
13. [4]
14. [5]
15. Regional distribution of seats and percentage vote
16. http://www.publications.parliament.uk/pa/cm199596/cmhansrd/vo960426/debtext/60426-18.htm Hansard record of 26 Apr 1996 : Column 735
17. BBC report on 1979 election
18. [6]
19. SNP should return to the honest argument on independence
20. Breaking the Old Place up
21. Politics 97
22. Referendums, Scotland - 1997
23. SNP wins historic victory
24. Top Tory backs vote on independence
25. Multiculturalism and Scottish nationalism
26. Holyrood survives birth pains
27. Introduction: Aims and Questions
28. [7]
29. [8]
30. [9]
31. [10]
32. www.sgpe.ac.uk/economics/finance.htm
33. The Scottish gamble
34. Doubts raised over future of shipyards under independence
35. Study finds no benefit in fiscal autonomy as McCrone calls time on Barnett
36. 'Billions needed' to boost growth
37. Public/private sectors in economy need to be rebalanced
38. Scottish Independence - Reality or Illusion?
39. Scots urged to raise their profile
40. {{cite web |url=http://comment.independent.co.uk/columnists_a_l/bruce_anderson/article2018684.ece |title= The sullen self-pity of Anglophobic Scots |publisher=The Independent |date= 2006-11-27|
41. {{cite web |url=http://news.scotsman.com/index.cfm?id=265512007 |title= 'Xenophobic' row deepens between SNP and defiant Lib Dem MSPs |publisher=The Scotsman |date= 2007-02-19|
42. Doubts raised over future of shipyards under independence
43. Scots and English flourish in the Union
44. Vital gains forecast for SNP in swing from Labour
45. Do the Scots support independence?
46. Britain wants UK break up, poll shows
47. Younger Scots and Welsh may become more likely to support Nationalist parties
48. How SNP could win and lose at the same time
49. Polls on support for independence and for a referendum on independence
External links
;Party websites
★
Scottish National Party
★
Scottish Green Party
★
Scottish Socialist Party
★
Solidarity Scotland
★
Scottish Enterprise Party
;Other websites
★
Scottish Independence Convention
★
Independence First Referendum Campaign
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