'Spain in the mid-nineteenth century' was a country in turmoil. Occupied by
Napoleon from
1808 to
1814, a brutal "
war of independence" was waged against the occupiers that led to an emergent Spanish
nationalism. An era of reaction against the
liberal ideas associated with revolutionary France followed the war, personified by the rule of
Ferdinand VII and - to a lesser extent - his daughter
Isabella II. Ferdinand's rule included the loss of the
Spanish colonies in the
New World, except for
Cuba and
Puerto Rico, in the
1810s and
1820s. A series of civil wars then broke out in Spain, pitting Spanish liberals and then
republicans against conservatives, culminating in the
Carlist Wars between the moderate Queen Isabella and her uncle, the reactionary
Infante Carlos. Disaffection with Isabella's government from many quarters led to repeated military intervention in political affairs and to several revolutionary attempts against the government. Two of these revolutions were successful, the moderate
Vicalvarada or "Vicálvaro Revolution" of
1854 and the more radical ''
la Gloriosa'' (Glorious Revolution) in
1868. The latter marks the end of Isabella's monarchy. The brief rule of the liberal king
Amadeo I of Spain ended in the establishment of the
First Spanish Republic, only to be replaced in
1874 by the popular, moderate rule of
Alfonso XII of Spain, which finally brought Spain into an
period of stability and reform.
Reaction (1814-1820)
King
Ferdinand VII's refusal to agree to the
liberal Spanish Constitution of 1812 on his accession to the throne in
1814 came as little surprise to most Spaniards; the king had signed on to agreements with the clergy, the church, and with the nobility in his country to return to the earlier state of affairs even before the fall of
Napoleon. The decision to abrogate the Constitution was not welcomed by all, however. Liberals in Spain felt betrayed by the king who they had decided to support, and many of the local ''
juntas'' that had pronounced against the rule of
Joseph Bonaparte lost confidence in the king's rule. The army, which had backed the pronouncements, had liberal leanings that made the king's position tenuous. Even so, agreements made at the
Congress of Vienna (where Spain was represented by
Pedro Gómez Labrador, Marquis of Labrador) starting a year later would cement international support for the old,
absolutist regime in Spain.
The
Spanish Empire in the
New World had largely supported the cause of Ferdinand VII over the Bonapartist pretender to the throne in the midst of the
Napoleonic Wars. Joseph had promised radical reform, particularly the centralization of the state, which would cost the local authorities in the American empire their autonomy from Madrid. The Spanish colonies, however, had operated with virtual independence from Madrid after their pronouncement against Joseph Bonaparte.
Already in
1810 the
Caracas and
Buenos Aires juntas declared their independence from the Bonapartist government in Spain and sent ambassadors to the
United Kingdom. The British
blockade against Spain had also moved most of the Latin American colonies out of the Spanish economic sphere and into the British sphere, with whom extensive trade relations were developed. When Ferdinand's rule was restored, these juntas were cautious of abandoning their autonomy, and an alliance between local elites, merchant interests, nationalists, and liberals opposed to the abrogation of the Constitution of 1812 rose up against the Spanish in the New World.
Although Ferdinand was committed to the reconquest of the colonies, along with many of the Continental European powers, Britain was ostensibly opposed to the move which would limit her new commercial interests. British resistance to Spanish reconquest of the colonies was compounded by uncertainty in Spain itself about whether or not the colonies should be reconquered; Spanish liberals, already disdainful of the monarchy's rejection of the constitution, were opposed to the restoration of an empire that they saw as antique over the liberal revolutions in the New World with whom they sympathized.
The arrival of Spanish forces in the American colonies began in
1814, and was briefly successful in restoring central control over large parts of the Empire.
Simon Bolivar, the leader of revolutionary forces in
New Granada, was briefly forced into exile in British-controlled
Jamaica, and independent
Haiti. In
1816, however, Bolivar found enough popular support that he was able to return to
South America, and in a daring march from Venezuela to New Granada (
Colombia), he defeated Spanish forces at the
Battle of Boyaca in
1819, ending Spanish rule in Colombia.
Venezuela will gain freedom June 24 1821 when Bolivar destroyed the Spanish army on the fields of Carabobo on the Battle of Carabobo.
Argentina declared its independence in 1816 (though it had been operating with virtual independence as a British client since 1807 after successfully
resisting a British invasion).
Chile was retaken by Spain in 1814, but lost permanently in
1817 when an army under
Jose de San Martin, for the first time in history, crossed the
Andes Mountains from Argentina to Chile, and went on to defeat Spanish royalist forces at the
Battle of Chacabuco in
1817.
Mexico,
Peru,
Ecuador, and
Central America still remained under Spanish control in
1820. King Ferdinand, however, was dissatisfied with the loss of so much of the Empire and resolved to retake it; a large expedition was assembled in
Cadiz with the aim of reconquest. However the army was to create political problems of its own.
Trienio liberal (1820-1823)
''See also:
Spanish Civil War, 1820-1823''
A conspiracy of
liberal mid-ranking
officers in the expedition being outfitted at
Cadiz mutinied before they were shipped to the Americas. Led by
Rafael del Riego, the conspirators seized their commander and led their army around
Andalusia hoping to gather support; garrisons across
Spain declared their support for the would-be revolutionaries. Riego and his co-conspirators demanded that the liberal
Constitution of 1812 be restored. Before the coup became an outright revolution, King Ferdinand agreed to the demands of the revolutionaries and swore by the constitution. A ''"
Progresista"'' (liberal) government was appointed, though the king expressed his disaffection with the new administration and constitution.
Three years of liberal rule (the ''
Trienio liberal'') followed. The ''Progresista'' government reorganized Spain into 52 provinces, and intended to reduce the regional autonomy that had been a hallmark of Spanish bureaucracy since
Habsburg rule in the
sixteenth and
seventeenth centuries. The opposition of the affected regions - in particular,
Aragon,
Navarra, and
Catalonia - shared in the king's antipathy for the liberal government. The
anticlerical policies of the ''Progresista'' government led to friction with the
Roman Catholic Church, and the attempts to bring about
industrialization alienated old trade
guilds. The
Inquisition - which had been halted once by
Joseph Bonaparte during the French occupation - was ended again by the ''Progresista'' government, summoning up accusations of being nothing more than ''
afrancesados'' (Francophiles), who only six years before had been forced out of the country. More radical liberals attempted to revolt against the entire idea of a monarchy, constitutional or otherwise, in
1821; these
republicans were suppressed, though the incident served to illustrate the frail coalition that bound the ''Progresista'' government together.
The election of a
radical liberal government in
1823 further destabilized Spain. The army - whose liberal leanings had brought the government to power - began to waver when the Spanish economy failed to improve, and in
1823, a mutiny in
Madrid had to be suppressed. The
Jesuits (who had been banned by
Charles III in the
eighteenth century, only to be rehabilitated by Ferdinand VII after his restoration) were banned again by the radical government. For the duration of liberal rule, King Ferdinand (though technically
head of state) lived under virtual
house arrest in Madrid.
The
Congress of Vienna ending the
Napoleonic Wars had inaugurated the "
Congress system" as an instrument of international stability in
Europe. Rebuffed by the "
Holy Alliance" of
Russia,
Austria, and
Prussia in his request for help against the liberal revolutionaries in
1820, by
1822 the "
Concert of Europe" was at sufficient unease with Spain's liberal government and its surprising hardiness that they were prepared to intervene on Ferdinand's behalf. In
1822, the
Congress of Verona authorized France to intervene.
Louis XVIII of France - himself an arch-
reactionary - was only too happy to put an end to Spain's liberal experiment, and a massive army - the "
100,000 Sons of Saint Louis" - was dispatched across the
Pyrenees in April
1823. The Spanish army, fraught by internal divisions, offered little resistance to the well organised French force, who seized Madrid and reinstalled Ferdinand as absolute monarch. The liberals' hopes for a new
Spanish War of Independence were not to be fulfilled.
Although
Mexico had been in revolt in
1811 under
Miguel Hidalgo y Costilla, resistance to Spanish rule had largely been confined to small
guerrilla bands in the countryside. The coup in Spain put many Mexican conservatives at unease with the liberal policies of the ''Progresista'' government. In
1821, conservatives in
Mexico led by
Agustin de Iturbide and
Vincente Guerrero presented the
Plan de Iguala, calling for an independent Mexican monarchy, in response to fears of the liberalism and anticlericalism in Spain coming to her colonies. The liberal government - which showed less interest in the reconquest of the colonies than Ferdinand had - agreed to grant independence to Mexico with the
Treaty of Córdoba.
Jose de San Martin, who had helped to liberate
Chile and
Argentina already, entered
Peru in
1820; in
1821, the inhabitants of
Lima invited him and his soldiers to the city. The viceroy fled into the interior of the country. From there he resisted successfully, and it was only with the arrival of
Simon Bolivar and
Antonio José de Sucre in
1823 that the Spanish royalist forces were defeated at the battles of
Junin and
Ayacucho, where the entire Spanish Army of Peru and the Viceroy were captured. The Battle of Ayacucho signified the end of the
Spanish Empire on the American mainland.
Decada ominosa (1823-1833)
Immediately following the restoration of absolutist rule in Spain, King
Ferdinand embarked on a policy intended to restore old conservative values to government; the
Jesuit Order and the
Spanish Inquisition were reinstated once more, and some autonomy was again devolved to the provinces of
Aragon,
Navarre, and
Catalonia. Although he refused to accept the loss of the American colonies, Ferdinand was prevented from taking any further action against the rebels in the Americas by the opposition of the
United Kingdom and the
United States, who voiced their support of the new
Latin American republics in the form of the
Monroe Doctrine. The recent betrayal of the army demonstrated to the king that his own government and soldiers were untrustworthy, and the need for domestic stability proved to be more important than the reconquest of the Empire abroad. As a result, the destinies of Spain and her empire on the American mainland were to permanently take separate paths.
Although in the interests of stability Ferdinand issued a general
amnesty to all those involved in the
1820 coup and the liberal government that followed it, the original architect of the coup,
Rafael del Riego, was executed. The
liberal ''
Partido Progresista'', however, continued to exist as a political force, even if it was excluded from actual policy-making by Ferdinand's restored government. Riego himself hanged, though he would become a
martyr for the liberal cause in Spain and would be memorialized in the
anthem of the
Second Spanish Republic, ''
El Himno de Riego'', more than a century later.
The remainder of Ferdinand's reign was spent restoring domestic stability and the integrity of Spain's finances, which had been in ruins since the occupation of the
Napoleonic Wars. The end of the wars in the Americas improved the government's financial situation, and by the end of Ferdinand's rule the economic and fiscal situation in Spain was improving. A revolt in Catalonia was crushed in
1827, but at large the period saw an uneasy peace in Spain.
Ferdinand's chief concern after
1823 was how to solve the problem of his own succession. He was married four times in his life, and bore two daughters in all his marriages; the
succession law of
Philip V of Spain, which still stood in Ferdinand's time, excluded women from the succession. By that law, Ferdinand's successor would be his brother,
Carlos. Carlos, however, was a
reactionary and an
authoritarian who desired the restoration of the traditional
moralism of the Spanish state, the elimination of any traces of
constitutionalism, and a close relationship with the
Roman Catholic Church. Though surely not a liberal, Ferdinand was fearful of Carlos's extremism. War had broken out in neighboring
Portugal in
1828 as a result of just such a conflict between reactionary and moderate forces in the royal family - the
War of the Two Brothers.
In
1830, at the advice of his wife,
Maria Christina of Bourbon-Two Sicilies, Ferdinand decreed a
Pragmatic Sanction that had the effect of fundamental law in Spain. As a result of the sanction, women were allowed to accede to the Spanish throne, and the succession would fall on Ferdinand's infant daughter,
Isabella, rather than to his brother Carlos. Carlos - who disputed the legality of Ferdinand's ability to change the fundamental law of succession in Spain - left the country for Portugal, where he became a guest of
Dom Miguel, the absolutist pretender in that country's civil war.
Ferdinand died in
1833, at the age of 49. He was succeeded by his daughter Isabella under the terms of the Pragmatic Sanction, and his wife, Maria Christina, became
regent for her daughter, who at that time was only three years of age. Carlos disputed the legitimacy of Maria Christina's regency and the accession of her daughter, and declared himself to be the rightful heir to the Spanish throne. A half-century of civil war and unrest would follow.
The Carlist War and the Regencies (1833-1843)
''See also:
First Carlist War''
After their fall from grace in
1823 at the hands of a
French invasion,
Spanish liberals had pinned their hopes on Ferdinand VII's wife,
Maria Cristina of Bourbon-Two Sicilies, who bore some marks as a liberal and a reformer. However, when she became regent for her daughter Isabella in
1833, she made it clear to the court that she intended no such reforms. Even still, an alliance of convenience was formed with the ''progressista'' faction at court against the conservatives, who backed the rebel
Infante Carlos of Spain.
Carlos, who declared his support for the ancient, pre-
Bourbon privileges of the ''
fueros'', received considerable support from the
Basque country,
Aragon, and
Catalonia, which valued their ancient privileges from
Madrid. The insurrection seemed, at first, a catastrophic failure for the Carlists, who were quickly driven out of most of Aragon and Catalonia, and forced to cling to the uplands of Navarre by the end of
1833. At this crucial moment, however, Carlos named the
Basque Tomás de Zumalacárregui, a veteran
guerrilla of the
Peninsular War, to be his
commander-in-chief. Within a matter of months, Zumalacárregui reversed the fortunes of the Carlist cause and drove government forces out of most of Navarre, and launched a campaign into Aragon. By
1835, what was once a band of defeated guerrillas in Navarre had turned into an army of 30,000 in control of all of
Spain north of the
Ebro River, with the exception of the fortified ports on the northern coast.
The position of the government was growing increasingly desperate. Rumors of a liberal coup to oust Maria Cristina abounded in Madrid, compounding the danger of the Carlist army which was now within striking distance of the capital. Appeals for aid did not fall on deaf ears; France, which had
replaced the
reactionary monarchy of
Charles X with the liberal monarchy of
Louis-Philippe in
1830, was sympathetic to the Cristino cause. The
Whig governments of
Viscount Melbourne were similarly friendly, and organized volunteers and material aid for Spain. Still confident of his successes, however, Don Carlos joined his troops on the battlefield. While Zumalacárregui agitated for a campaign to take Madrid, Carlos ordered his commander to take a port on the coast. In the subsequent campaign, Zumalacárregui died after being shot in the calf. There was suspicion that Carlos, jealous of his general's successes and politics, conspired to have him killed.
Having failed to take Madrid, and having lost their popular general, the Carlist armies began to weaken. Reinforced with British equipment and manpower, Isabella found in the ''progressista'' general
Baldomero Espartero a man capable of suppressing the rebellion; in
1836, he won a key victory at the
Battle of Luchana that turned the tide of the war. After years of vacillation on the issue of reform, events compelled Maria Cristina to accept a
new constitution in
1837 that substantively increased the powers of the Spanish parliament, the ''
cortes''. The constitution also established state responsibility for the upkeep of the church, provoking a series of
anti-clerical ''
demortisacións'' which considerably reduced the strength and property of the
Church in Spain. The
Jesuits - expelled during the
Trienio Liberal and readmitted by Ferdinand - were once again expelled by the wartime regency in 1835.
Spanish ''progressista'' statesman
Juan Álvarez Mendizábal. Mendizábal proposed the sale of church property ("''desamortización''") by the state as a solution to Spain's financial woes.
The Spanish government was growing deeper in debt as the Carlist war dragged on, nearly to the point that it became insolvent. In
1836, the president of the government,
Juan Álvarez Mendizábal, offered a program of ''desamortización'' that involved the confiscation and sale of church property. Many liberals, who bore
anti-clerical sentiments, saw the clergy as having allied with the Carlists, and thus the ''desamortización'' was only justice. Mendizábal recognized, also, that immense amounts of Spanish land (much of it given as far back as the reigns of
Philip II and
Philip IV) were in the hands of the church lying unused - the church was Spain's single largest landholder in Mendizábal's time. The Mendizábal government also passed a law guaranteeing
freedom of the press.
After Luchana, Espartero's government forces successfully drove the Carlists back northward. Knowing that much of the support for the Carlist cause came from supporters of regional autonomy, Espartero convinced the Queen-Regent to compromise with the ''fueros'' on the issue of regional autonomy and retain their loyalty. The subsequent
Convention of Vergara in
1839 was a success, protecting the privileges of the ''fueros'' and recognizing the defeat of the Carlists. Don Carlos once again went into exile.
Freed from the Carlist threat, Maria Cristina immediately embarked on a campaign to undo the Constitution of 1837, provoking even greater ire from the liberal quarters of her government. Failing in the attempt to overthrow her own constitution, she attempted to undermine the rule of the municipalities in
1840; this proved to be her undoing. She was forced to name the ''progressista'' hero of the Carlist War, General Espartero, president of the government. Maria Cristina resigned the regency after Espartero attempted a program of reform.
In the absence of a regent, the ''cortes'' named
Espartero to that post in May
1841. Although a noted commander, Espartero was inexperienced with politics and his regency was markedly authoritarian; it was arguably Spain's first experience with military rule. The government wrangled with Espartero over the choice of
Agustin Argüelles, a radical liberal politician, as the young queen's tutor. From
Paris, Maria Cristina railed against the decision and attracted the support of the ''moderados'' in the ''Cortes''. The war heroes
Manuel de la Concha and
Diego de Leon attempted a coup in September 1841, attempting to seize the queen, only months after Espartero was named regent. The severity with which Espartero crushed the rebellion led to considerable unpopularity; the ''Cortes'', increasingly rebellious against him, selected an old rival,
José Ramón Rodil y Campillo, as their chief minister. Another uprising in
Barcelona in
1842 against his
free trade policies prompted him to bombard the city, serving only to loosen his tenuous grip on power. On 20 May
1843,
Salustiano Olózaga delivered his famous "Dios salve al país, Dios salve a la reina!" (God save the country, God save the queen!) speech that led to a strong moderate-liberal coalition that opposed Espartero. This coalition sponsored a third and final uprising led by generals
Ramón Narváez and
Francisco Serrano finally overthrew Espartero in 1843, after which the deposed regent fled to
England.
Moderado rule (1843-1849)
The ''cortes'', now exasperated by serial revolutions, coups, and counter-coups, decided not to name another regent, and instead declared that the 13 year-old
Isabella II was of age. Isabella, now inundated with the competing interests of courtiers espousing an array of ideologies and interests, vacillated as her mother did between them, and served to aggravate those genuinely interested in progress and reform.
Salustiano Olózaga was named the first president of the government after Espartero's fall. His commission to form a government was, however, highly unpopular with the ''cortes''; he asked for and received the authority to dissolve the ''cortes'' from the queen, but the queen within days withdrew her support for the plan, and cast her lot behind Olózaga's opponent in the ''cortes'',
Luis González Bravo. Olózaga received a stunning and unexpected indictment of his policies, including an accusation that Olózaga had only obtained the order of dissolution by violence to Queen Isabella. Olózaga shortly thereafter resigned, having only been President of the Government for an ephemeral fifteen days. Olózaga, a liberal, was succeeded by Luis González Bravo, a moderate, inaugurating a decade of ''moderado'' rule. The incident as a whole set the tone for Isabella's unstable administration, policies, and governments – in
1847, for instance, she went through five Presidents of the Government.
Luis González Bravo, leading the moderate faction, dissolved the ''cortes'' himself and ruled by royal decree as a ministerial dictator. He declared Spain to be in a state of siege and dismantled a number of institutions that had been achievements of the ''progressista'' movement such as
elected city councils. Fearing another
Carlist insurrection in northern Spain, he established the
Guardia Civil (Spain), a force merging police and military functions to retain order in the mountainous regions that had been the Carlists' base of support and strength.
A new constitution, authored by the ''moderados'' was written in
1845. It was backed by the new Narváez government begun in May
1844, led by General Ramón Narváez, one of the original architects of the revolution against Espartero. A series of reforms promulgated by Narváez's government attempted to stabilize the situation. The ''cortes'', which had been uneasy with the settlement with the ''fueros'' at the end of the
First Carlist War, were anxious to centralize the administration. The law of
8 January 1845 did just that, stifling local autonomy in favor of
Madrid; the act contributed to the revolt of
1847 and the revival of
Carlism in the provinces. The Electoral Law of
1846 limited the suffrage to the wealthy and established a property bar for voting. In spite of Bravo and Narvaez's efforts to suppress the unrest in Spain, which included lingering Carlist sentiments and ''progressista'' supporters of the old Espartero government, Spain's situation remained uneasy. A revolt led by
Martín Zurbano in
1845 included the support of key generals, including
Juan Prim, who was imprisoned by Narváez.
Narváez ended the sale of church lands promoted by the ''progressistas''. This put him into a difficult situation, as the ''progressistas'' had had some progress in improving Spain's financial situation through those programs. The Carlist War, the excesses of Maria Cristina's regency, and the difficulties of the Espartero government left the finances in a terrible situation. Narváez entrusted the finances to the minister
Alejandro Mon, who embarked on an aggressive program to restore solvency to Spain's finances; in this he was remarkably successful, reforming the tax system which had been badly neglected since the reign of
Charles IV. With its finances more in order, the government was able to rebuild the military and, in the
1850s and
1860s, embark on successful infrastructure improvements and campaigns in Africa that are often cited as the most productive aspects of Isabella's reign.
Queen Isabella II of Spain (r.
1833-
1868). Isabella's rule was a chaotic and troubled chapter in
Spain's history, wraught by civil wars, coups, and scandal that ended with a successful revolution against the monarchy.
Isabella was convinced by the ''cortes'' to marry her cousin, a Bourbon prince,
Francisco de Asis. Her younger sister
Maria Louisa Fernanda was married to the French king
Louis-Philippe's son
Antoine, duc de Montpensier. The affair threatened to break the alliance between Britain and France, which had come to a different agreement over the succession. France and Britain nearly went to war over the issue before it was resolved; the affair contributed to the
fall of Louis-Philippe in
1848. Fury raged in Spain over the queen's nonchalance with the national interest and worsened her public image.
Partly as a result of this, a major rebellion broke out in
1846 principally in
Catalonia, called the
Del Matiners' War or
Second Carlist War. Catalan rebels led by
Rafael Tristany launched a guerilla campaign against government forces in the region and pronounced themselves in favor of
Carlos, Conde de Montemolin, carrier of the Carlist cause and son of
Infante Carlos of Spain. The rebellion grew, and by
1848 it was relevant enough that Carlos sponsored it himself and named
Ramon Cabrera as commander of the Carlist armies in Spain. A force of 10,000 was raised by the Carlists; in response to fears of another civil war like the First Carlist War, Narváez was once again named president of the government in Madrid in October 1847. The major battle of the war, the
Battle of Pasteral, fought in January
1849, was inconclusive. Cabrera, however, was injured in the fighting and lost confidence. His departure from Spain caused the rebellion to fade into nothing by May of 1849. The Del Matiners' War, though contemporaneous with the
revolutions of 1848, is rarely included as part of the same phenomenon, since the revolutionaries in Spain were not fighting for liberal or
socialist ideas.
Rule by pronunciamento (1849-1856)
Ramón Narváez was succeeded by
Juan Bravo Murillo, a practical man and a seasoned politician. Murillo carried the same authoritarian tendencies as Narváez but made serious efforts to advance Spanish industry and commerce. He surrounded himself with technocrats who attempted to take an active role in the advancement of the Spanish economy. An aggressive policy of financial reform was coupled with an equally aggressive policy of infrastructure improvement enabled by
Alejandro Mon's financial reforms in the preceding decade. A serious effort to build a rail network in Spain was begun by the Murillo government.
Juan Bravo Murillo, Spanish ''moderado'' politician. Bravo Murillo's government invested heavily in infrastructure and economic reform.
Murillo, facing the issue of anti-clericalism, signed a
concordat with the Vatican on the issue of religion in Spain; it was conclusively decided that
Roman Catholicism remained the
state religion of Spain, but that the contribution of the church in education would be regulated by the state. In addition, the state renounced ''desamortización'', the process of selling church lands. Murillo's negotiations with the Papacy were aided by Narváez's role in the
Revolutions of 1848 in the Italian states, where he had led Spanish soldiers in the pope's defense against revolutionaries.
Murillo, flush with economic and international successes, announced a series of policies on 2 December
1852 to the ''cortes''. Prominent among the reforms he suggested were the reduction of the powers of the ''cortes'' as a whole in favor of Murillo's office as president of the government, and the ability for the executive to legislate by decree in times of crisis. Twelve days later, the ''cortes'' successfully convinced the queen to sack Murillo and find a new minister.
Luis José Sartorius, Spanish ''moderado'' statesman. The collapse of his administration in
1854 ended a decade of ''moderado'' rule.
The next president of the government,
Federico Roncali, governed briefly, and did well to maintain a civil atmosphere with the ''cortes'' after Murillo's flamboyance. The army, dissatisfied with Roncali a few months later, convinced the queen to oust him, replacing him with General
Francisco Lersundi. The ''cortes'', which by then were unsatisfied with the army's intervening in government affairs, arranged for
Luis José Sartorius, the
Count of San Luis, to be named president of the government. Sartorius - who had gained power only by betraying
Luis González Bravo and following the fortunes of General Narváez - was notorious for falsifying election results in favor of his co-conspirators and himself. His appointment as President of the Government drew violent agitation from the liberal wing of the Spanish government.
In July
1854, a
major rebellion broke out bringing together a wide coalition of outrages against the state. The
Crimean War, which had broken out in March of that year, had led to an increase in
grain prices across
Europe and a
famine in
Galicia.
Riots against the
power loom erupted in the cities, and ''progresistas'' outraged at a decade of ''moderado'' dictatorship and the corruption of the Sartorius government broke out in revolution. General
Leopoldo O'Donnell took the lead in the revolution; after the indecisive
Battle of Vicálvaro, he issued the
Manifesto of Manzanares that pronounced himself in favor of Spain's former ''progresista'' dictator,
Baldomero Espartero, the man that O'Donnell had actively rebelled against in
1841. The ''moderado'' government collapsed before them and Espartero returned to politics at the head of an army.
Espartero was named president of the government once again, this time by the very queen for whom he had been regent ten years before. Espartero, indebted to O'Donnell for restoring him to power but concerned about having to share power with another man, tried to get him installed to a post as far away from Madrid as possible - in this case, in
Cuba. The attempt failed and only alienated Espartero's colleague; instead, O'Donnell was given a seat in Espartero's cabinet as war minister, though his influence was greater than his
portfolio.
The two
caudillos, who came into power with immense popularity, attempted to reconcile their differences and form a coalition party that crossed the ''progresista-moderado'' lines that had dominated and restricted Spanish politics since the
Peninsular War. The "
Unión Liberal", as it was called, attempted to forge a policy based on progress in industry, infrastructure, public works, and a national compromise on constitutional and social issues.
Espartero attempted to rebuild the ''progresista'' government after ten years of ''moderado'' reform. Most of Espartero's tenure was absorbed into promulgating the new constitution he intended to replace the ''moderado''
constitution of 1845. The resistance of the ''cortes'', however, meant that most of his term was spent deadlocked; the coalition that Espartero relied on was built on both liberals and moderates, who disagreed fundamentally on the ideology of the new constitution and policies. Espartero's constitution included provisions for the
freedom of religion,
freedom of the press, and, most importantly, a more liberal suffrage than the Constitution of 1845 allowed for. Even before the constitution had been passed, Espartero endorsed
Pascual Madoz's ''desamortización'' against communal lands in Spain; the plan was strongly opposed not only by the ''moderados'' in the ''cortes,'' but also by the queen and General O'Donnell. Espartero's coalition with O'Donnell collapsed, and the queen named O'Donnell president of the government. He too proved unable to work with the government in any meaningful way; he attempted to compromise Espartero's constitution with the 1845 document by, in a bald assertion of power, declaring the 1845 constitution restored with certain specified exceptions, with or without the approval of the ''cortes''. The act led to O'Donnell's ousting; the "Constitution of 1855" was never successfully put into place.
The end of the old order (1856-1868)
Once again,
Ramón María Narváez, the symbol of reaction, returned to politics and was named president of the government by Isabella in
1856, who switched her favor to the ''moderados''; Espartero, frustrated and bitter with political life, retired permanently to
Logroño. Narváez's new government undid what little Espartero had been able to accomplish while in office; the Constitution of 1845 was restored in its entirety and the legislation that Espartero had put forward was entirely reversed in a matter of months. Isabella grew weary of this, too, and a moderate conservative with a less offensive authoritarian character was found in
Francisco Armero Peñaranda, who took power in October
1857. Without Narváez's authoritarian touch, however, Peñaranda found that it was now as difficult for conservative policies to be successfully enacted by the ''cortes'' as it was for Espartero's ''progressista'' policies; the ''moderado'' faction was now divided, with some favoring the O'Donnell's ''Unión Liberal'' ideal. Isabella then sacked Peñaranda - to the ire of the ''moderados'' - and replaced him with
Francisco Javier Istúriz. Istúriz, though Isabella admired him, lacked any support from the conservative wing of the government, and was adamantly opposed by Bravo Murillo. Isabella was then disgusted with the ''moderados'' in any form; O'Donnell's faction was able to give the ''Unión Liberal'' another chance in
1858.
This government - the longest-lasting of all of Isabella's governments - lasted nearly five years before it was deposed in
1863. O'Donnell, reacting against the extremism that came from Espartero's government and the ''moderado'' governments that followed it, managed to pull some results from a functional ''Unión Liberal'' coalition of centrist, conciliatory ''moderados'' and ''progresistas'', all of whom were exhausted from partisan bickering. O'Donnell's ministry was successful enough in restoring stability at home that they were able to project power abroad, which also helped to pull popular and political attention away from the ''cortes''; Spain supported the French expedition to
Cochin China, the allied expedition sent in support of the
French intervention in Mexico and
Emperor Maximilian, an expedition to
Santo Domingo, and most importantly, a
successful campaign into
Morocco that earned Spain a favorable peace and new territories across the
Strait of Gibraltar. O'Donnell, even while president of the government, personally took command of the army in this campaign, for which he was named ''Duque de Tetuán''. A new agreement was made with the Vatican in
1859 that reopened the possibility of legal ''desamortizacións'' of church property.
The coalition broke apart in
1863 when old factional lines broke O'Donnell's cabinet: the issue of ''demortización'', brought up once again, antagonized the two wings of the ''Unión Liberal.'' The ''moderados'', sensing an opportunity, attacked O'Donnell for being too liberal, and succeeded in turning the queen and ''cortes'' against him; his government collapsed on
27 February 1863.
The ''moderados'' immediately took to undoing O'Donnell's legislation but Spain's economic situation took a turn for the worse; when
Alejandro Mon, who had already saved Spain's finances, proved ineffectual, Isabella turned to her old warhorse,
Ramón Narváez, in
1864 to make certain that things did not get out of hand; this only infuriated the ''progresistas'', who were promptly rewarded for their agitation by another O'Donnell government. General
Juan Prim launched a major uprising against the government during O'Donnell's administration that prefigured future events; the rebellion was crushed brutally by O'Donnell, prompting the same sort of criticism that had toppled Espartero's government years earlier. The queen, listening to the opinion of the ''cortes'', again sacked O'Donnell, and replaced him with Narváez, who had just been sacked two years earlier.
Narváez's support for the queen by this time was lukewarm; he had been sacked and seen enough governments thrown out by the queen in his lifetime that he, and much of the ''cortes'' had great doubts about her ability. The consensus spread; since
1854, a
Republican party had been growing in strength, roughly in step with the fortunes of the ''Unión Liberal,'' and indeed, the ''Unión'' had been in coalition with the Republicans at times in the ''cortes''.
La Gloriosa (1868-1873)
The
1866 rebellion led by
Juan Prim and the revolt of the sergeants at
San Gil sent a signal to Spanish liberals and republicans that there was serious unrest with the state of affairs in Spain that could be harnessed if it were properly led. Liberals and republican exiles abroad made agreements at
Ostend in
1866 and
Brussels in
1867. These agreements laid the framework for a major uprising, this time not merely to replace the president of the government with a liberal, but to overthrow Isabella herself, who Spanish liberals and republicans began to see as the source of Spain's ineffectuality.
Her continual vacillation between liberal and conservative quarters had, by
1868, outraged ''moderados'', ''progressistas'', and members of the ''Unión Liberal'' and enabled, ironically, a front that crossed party lines. Leopoldo O'Donnell's death in
1867 caused the ''Unión Liberal'' to unravel; many of its supporters, who had crossed party lines to create the party initially, joined the growing movement to overthrow Isabella in favor of a more effective regime.
The die was cast in September
1868, when naval forces under admiral
Juan Bautista Topete mutinied in
Cadiz - the same place that
Rafael del Riego had launched his coup against
Isabella's father a half-century before. Narváez deserted the queen, as did her chief minister,
Luis González Bravo. Generals
Juan Prim and
Francisco Serrano denounced the government and much of the army defected to the revolutionary generals on their arrival in Spain. The queen made a brief show of force at the
Battle of Alcolea, where her loyal ''moderado'' generals under
Manuel Pavia were defeated by General Serrano. Isabella, then, crossed into France and retired from Spanish politics to
Paris, where she would remain until her death in 1904.
The revolutionary spirit that had just overthrown the Spanish government lacked direction; the coalition of liberals, moderates, and republicans were now faced with the incredible task of finding a government that would suit them better than Isabella. Control of the government passed to Francisco Serrano, an architect of the revolution against
Baldomero Espartero's dictatorship. The ''cortes'' initially rejected the notion of a republic; Serrano was named regent while a search was launched for a suitable monarch to lead the country. A truly liberal constitution was written and successfully promulgated by the ''cortes'' in
1869 - the first such constitution in Spain since
1812.
The search for a suitable king proved to be quite problematic for the ''Cortes''. The republicans were, on the whole, willing to accept a monarch if he was capable and abided by a constitution.
Juan Prim , a perennial rebel against the Isabelline governments, was named chief of the government in
1869 and remarked that "to find a democratic king in Europe is as hard as to find an atheist in Heaven!" The aged Espartero was brought up as an option, still having considerable sway among the ''progressistas''; even after he rejected the notion of being named king, he still gained eight votes for his coronation in the final tally. Many proposed Isabella's young son Alfonso (the future
Alfonso XII of Spain), but many thought that he would invariably be dominated by his mother and would inherit her flaws.
Ferdinand of Saxe-Coburg, the former regent of neighboring
Portugal, was sometimes raised as a possibility. A nomination offered to Prince
Leopold of Hohenzollern-Sigmaringen would trigger the
Franco-Prussian War.
In August
1870, an Italian prince, Amadeo of Savoy, was selected. The younger son of
Victor Emmanuel II of Italy, Amadeo had less of the troublesome political baggage that a German or French claimant would bring, and his liberal credentials were strong. He was duly elected King as
Amadeo I of Spain on
November 3 1870. He landed in
Cartagena on
27 November, the same day that
Juan Prim was assassinated while leaving the ''Cortes''. Amadeo swore upon the general's corpse that he would uphold Spain's constitution.
However, Amadeo had no experience as king, and what experience his father as King of Italy could offer was nothing compared to the extraordinary instability of Spanish politics. Amadeo was instantly confronted with a ''Cortes'' that regarded him as an outsider, even after it had elected him King; politicians conspired with and against him; and a
Carlist uprising was taking place. In February
1873, he declared the people of Spain to be "ungovernable" and abandoned his kingdom, leaving rebel
Republicans and Carlists to battle over the country.
See Also
★
Mexican War of Independence
★
South American wars of independence
References
★ Pierson, Peter (1999) ''The History of Spain'', London : Greenwood ISBN 0-313-30272-3
★ Carr, Raymond (2000) ''Spain: A History'', London : Oxford University Press ISBN 0-19-820619-4
★ Esdaile, Charles S. (2000) ''Spain in the Liberal Age: From Constitution to Civil War, 1808-1939'' ISBN 0-631-14988-0
★ Gallardo, Alexander (1978) "Britain and the First Carlist War:Darby,Pa, Norwood Editions,
_by_Goya.jpg)
العربية
中国
Français
Deutsch
Ελληνική
हिन्दी
Italiano
日本語
Português
Русский
Español
