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The 'Lumad' are a group of indigenous peoples of the Southern Mindanao, Philippines.
''Lumad'' is a Cebuano term meaning ‘native’ or ‘indigenous’. For more than two decades it has been used to refer to the groups indigenous to Mindanao who are neither Muslim nor Christian. The term is short for 'katawhang Lumad' (literally “indigenous peoples”), the autonym officially adopted by the delegates of the Lumad Mindanaw Peoples Federation (LMPF) founding assembly in June 26, 1986 at the Guadalupe Formation Center, Balindog, Kidapawan, Cotabato, Philippines. It is the self-ascription and collective identity of the un-Islamized indigenous peoples of Mindanao.

Contents

History

People

Bilaan

Manobo

Subanen

Ginagan

Higaonon

Kalagan

Kamayo

Magahat

Mamanwa

Mandaya

Mansaka

Sangir

Subanon

Tagabawa

Tasaday

Tboli

Tiruray

Musical Heritage of the Mindanao Lumad groups

Social Issues

References

External links

History

The name ''Lumad'' grew out of the political awakening among various tribes during the martial law regime of President Ferdinand Marcos. It was advocated and propagated by the members and affiliates of Lumad-Mindanao, a coalition of all-Lumad local and regional organizations which formalized themselves as such in June 1986 but started in 1983 as a multi-sectoral organization. Lumad-Mindanao’s main objective was to achieve self-determination for their member-tribes, or, put more concretely, self-governance within their ancestral domain in accordance with their culture and customary laws. No other Lumad organization had had the express goal in the past.
Representative from fifteen tribes agreed in June 1986 to adopt the name; there were no delegates from the Three major groups of the Tboli, the Teduray and the Subanen. The choice of a Cebuano word was a bit ironic but they deemed it to be most appropriate considering that the various Lumad tribes do not have any other common language except Cebuano. This is the first time that these tribes have agreed to a common name for themselves, distinct from that of the Moros and different from the migrant majority and their descendants.

People

There are 18 Lumad ethnolinguistic groups: Ata, Bagobo, Banwaon, B’laan, Bukidnon, Dibabawon, Higaonon, Mamanwa, Mandaya, Manguwangan, Manobo, Mansaka, Subanon, Tagakaolo, Tasaday, Tboli, Teduray, and Ubo.
According to the Lumad Development Center Inc., there are about eighteen Lumad groups in 19 provinces across the country. They comprise 12 to 13 million or 18% of the Philippine population and can be divided into 110 ethno-linguistic groups. Considered as "vulnerable groups", they live in hinterlands, forests, lowlands and coastal areas.^[1]
Katawhan Lumad are the un-Islamized indigenous peoples of Mindanaw, namely: Erumanen ne Menuvu`, Matidsalug Manobo, Agusanon Manobo, Dulangan Manobo, Dabaw Manobo,Ata Manobo, B'laan, Kaulo, Banwaon, Teduray, Lambangian, Subanen, Higaunon, Dibabawon, Mangguwangan, Mansaka, Mandaya, K'lagan, T'boli, Mamanuwa, Talaandig, Tagabawa, and Ubu`, Tinenanen, Kuwemanen, K'lata and Diyangan.]
There are about twenty general hilltribes of Mindanao, all of which are of Austronesian descent.

Bilaan

The Bilaan or B'laan is an indigenous group that is concentrated in Davao del Sur and South Cotabato. They still practice indigenous rituals despite adaptation to the way of life of modern Filipinos.
Some rituals are observed in their planting cycle. Here, they make offerings to deities to help them locate the best clearing site for a particular planting season.
The B'laan grow rice, sugarcane, banana, papaya, and rootcrops. The crops are mainly for food though they do barter it for tools and utensils.^[2]

Manobo

Main articles: Cotabato Manobo language

Subanen

Ginagan

Higaonon

The Higaunon is located on the provinces of Bukidnon, Agusan del Sur and Misamis Oriental. Their name means "people of the wilderness". Most Higaunon still have a rather traditional way of living. Farming is the most important economic activity.
Their political organization is centered on the the ''datu'' system. The datu or headman rules over a community which is composed of several clans. A group of minor datus are also present which gives advice to the headman. The status of being a datu can be both inherited or achieved. The dying datu usually passes the title to one of his children which is preferably his most deserving son.^[3]
The belief in the power of the spirits of ancestors and in the influence of more than one god, is strongly rooted in the hearts and minds of many Higaunon. Most Higaunon still have a strong belief in the existence of gods and spirits. The ‘upper god’ is Magbabaya, the creator of all aspects of life. There are several ‘lower gods’. Each ‘lower god’ has dominion over a specific part of the natural environment. There is a lower god (Igbabasok) who has dominion over the farms, a lower god (Pamahandi) who has dominion over treasures and properties, a lower god (Bulalakaw) who has dominion over the waters and fishes and there is a lower god (Panalagbugta) who has dominion over lands. The (ancestor) spirits have control on all aspects of the daily life of the people. This belief, called animism, influences the Higaunon people deeply. They believe that all problems like illnesses, bad harvests and even the death, are due to their failure to satisfy the spirits.^[4]

Kalagan

Cultural groups
Majority of the inhabitants of the region are of Visayan lineage. The ethnic residents include the Manobo, the Mamanwa and other tribes. It is reported that during the early years of the Caraga region, its inhabitants came from mainland Asia, followed by Malayans, Arabs, Chinese, Japanese, Spanish and Americans. Migrants from the Visayan and Luzon provinces later settled in the area. Most of its inhabitants speak the Cebuano dialect and reside in the rural areas.

Kamayo

Main articles: Kamayo language

these people live in mountains somewhere in Surigao Del Sur.

Magahat

Mamanwa

The Mamanwa is a Negrito tribe often grouped together with the Lumad. They believe in a collection of spirits, which are governed by the supreme deity “Magbabaya”. The tribe produce excellent winnowing baskets, rattan hammocks, and other household containers.

Mandaya

The Mandayas is a tribe often located in the provinces of Agusan, Davao, Surigao del Sur, Surigao del Norte and eastern Cotabato. Their name means "inhabitants of the Uplands". They use a mixture of Cebuano and Visayan as lingua franca although Mandaya Davaweno is used as a household intergroup language.
The Mandaya culture is largely preserved and they retain their social, religious and political organizations. Their religious structure is centered on a hierarchy of ''anitos'' or spirits. Female mediums called ''baylan'' bridges the way between the supernatural and the natural aspects of life.
Mandaya women practice abaca weaving which is passed down from generation to generation. The plant's fibers are colored with root and mud dyes to create figures and patterns that depict the tribe's folklore and religion.
The political authority of the tribe rests in the headman or ''Bagani''. To become a bagani, a man has to kill seven to nine men in battle or in raids upon nearby areas. Each bagani has his own political territory.^[5]

Mansaka

By: Gwendalene Ting
The term "Mansaka" derives from "man" meaning "first" and "saka" meaning "to ascend," and means "the first people to ascend the mountains or go upstream." The term most likely describes the origin of these people who are found today in Davao del Norte, specifically in the Batoto River, the Manat Valley, the Marasugan Valley, the Hijo River Valley, and the seacoasts of Kingking, Maco, Kwambog, Hijo, Tagum, Libuganon, Tuganay, Ising, and Panabo (Fuentes and De La Cruz 1980:2). The Mansaka are generally fair with bridged noses, brown hair, and oval faces. In 1972 the population estimate of the Mansaka was around 4,000 (Magana 1972:347).
Some scholars have classified the Mansaka as a Mandaya subgroup (Bagani 1980:30; Cole 1913:165; Fuentes and De La Cruz 1980:1). Linguistically at least, the Mandaya-Mansaka group of languages is often classified under the Manuvu linguistic group which includes the dialects of the Tagacaolo of Davao del Sur, Davaoeno of Davao City, Mansaka or Mandaya of Davao del Norte, and Isamal of Samal Island (Bagani 1980:95).
HISTORY
Valderrama (1987:5-6) hypothesizes that the racial development of the Mandaya-Mansaka progressed in three phases. From 3000 to 500 BC, the Indonesians came and intermarried with native women, begetting the Manobo. The migration of the Malays from 300-200 BC and the intermarriage with the Manobo produced the Mandaya-Mansaka. In the 13th century, the Chinese arrived and contributed further to the racial and cultural development of the Mandaya-Mansaka.
The island of Mindanao had eluded Spanish rule until the second half of the 19th century. Spain slowly expanded her control in the beginning of the 17th century. In 1851 Davao was made the Fourth Military District of Mindanao. One result of the Spanish conquest was the substitution of the Muslims by the Christians in the coastal commerce with the native highlanders. Although slavery, as practised by some Islamized groups, was effectively halted, a new form of economic exploitation by the Spaniards was introduced (Bagani 1980:121-122).
Spanish reduccion was only partially successful. Many Christianized Mandaya-Mansaka who have intermarried with the Visayan, eventually returned to the mountains and to their old way of life. This was due to the frequent Muslim raids in the 17th and 18th centuries (Gagelonia 1967:259).
The Americans were more successful. The Mandaya-Mansaka were encouraged to work in coastal plantations and adopt the lifestyle of Christianized natives. The American effort was helped by Japanese businessmen, who developed the abaca industry by introducing new ideas and technology into the area. During the Commonwealth, laws liberalizing Christian migration to the are further changed the lifestyle of many Mandaya-Mansaka (Gagelonia 1967:259-260; Bagani 1980:123).
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RELIGIOUS BELIEFS AND PRACTICES
Mansaka manaog or domestic gods are represented by wooden statues standing on a parangka (pedestal). Manaog have sexes which can be discerned on the sculpture and ornaments on the statues. Offerings are given to the manaog after rice planting, harvest, and before death. The rituals can be either indoor or outdoor. If indoor, the balian places humay, wine, manok, lime, tobacco, and betel nut on a siklat (a square bamboo platform suspended from the ceiling). If outdoor, the balian constructs a siklat with the use of four 1 m wooden poles arranged like an Indian teepee skeleton. Either way, a manaog about 30 cm high, is placed at the foot of the siklat. The manaog of the balian are kept on the ceiling near the kitchen, where they become black from the smoke.
Christianity has been introduced and accepted by many Mansaka, but it has not totally eradicated the manaog cult. The Mansaka believe in the saving grace of the Christian God but remnants of the old religion, as in many ethnic groups, persist. Curiously the Mansaka belong to various Christian denominations, often at the same time. For example, in 1973, close to 95% of the Mansaka were Catholics at the same time that they were members of other Christian sects - the Baptist Church, the Jehovah's Witnesses, and so forth (Magana 1973:15, 26-27).
Old Mansaka religious beliefs persist in native medicine. For wounds, the Mansaka mix crushed marabiga roots, chewed sakati sprouts, pamantigi leaves, and oiled lenek; for headaches and stomach troubles, heated kepet leaves, roasted baganga fruit, boiled aribetbet roots, boiled buds, and sterilized sara saps; for boils, crushed darupang flowers and scraped pitugu fruit; for pinkish eyes, scraped tambabasi stalks; for constipation, ground warasiman and boiled anuring; for malaria, the bark of the bagol tree; for fractures, the bark of the arit tree; and for a Mansaka mother's first bath after giving birth, agosais, basikay, gapas, and baay (Magana 1973:27).
Nowadays, traditional medicine is rarely used even by the children of the balian, who go to the Christian town doctor. But the older Mansaka still believe that sickness is caused by supernatural beings and thus make offerings to the gods (Magana 1973:28).
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VISUAL ARTS AND CRAFTS
Before the advent of modern textile products, the Mansaka made their dagmay (abaca cloth) from a loom of the same name. The process of making a dagmay using this traditional method is extraordinarily tedious. The dagmay is woven with three types of abaca fibers: the bintok, prepared from knotted abaca fibers boiled in the extracted red dye of the plant sikarig; the sikarig prepared from unknotted abaca fibers boiled in the red dye of sikarig; and the kanarum, prepared from abaca fibers boiled in the black dye of the plant of the same name. Dagmay designs are varied --- squares, human forms, laron na opat (crocodiles), dots, among others. The most common designs are the laron na opat which holds an aesthetic and religious significance for the Mansaka. Squares, dots, and other geometric designs appear on clay pots and patadyong (barrel skirt); human-figure designs are available but rare (Magana 1973: 24-25).
Mansaka women wear the dagum (blouse similar to the Chinese shirt) which is half open in the upper and bottom front. Running across the shoulders from the back are two panahi or strips of finely embroidered cloth contrasted with color-stitched seams. Mansaka women can opt for four types of skirts to match the dagum. These are the pula or ordinary cotton skirts produced by and bought from the Visayan, the piamuntakan, saragboy, and dagmay, all painstakingly made by the Mansaka and worn only on special occasions. The last is made of dagmay or stamped young abaca fibers (Magana 1973: 16-17; Fuentes and De la Cruz 1980:3).
Visayan influence in terms of clothing, is more marked with Mansaka men than women. Traditionally, Mansaka men sport a shirt with an embroidered cross at the back, and panahi strips and red cloth lined across the shoulders and hem, respectively. The shirt is closed by rattan twines which are also used to hold up the trousers (Magana 1973:17).
Both Mansaka men and women don jewelry and other accessories to match their colorful costumes. The women wear the pislitan or belt with round marble buckles to hold up their skirt. Mansaka barikog (earplugs), which are gold-plated rubber discs about 0.6 am thick and 2.5 cm in diameter, dot the ears. The size of the holes on the earlobes is determined by the size of the barikog. Attached to the barikog are liaog or bead strands of various colors. Barikog (necklaces) include the parotgot or choker, made of beads strung and woven together, the balliug, which extends to the navel and is made of beads, rubies, and crocodile teeth; and the linangkaw or necklace made of crocodile's teeth. Mansaka women have three kinds of bracelets: the pamurang, made of white marble and worn in fours; the sagay-sagay or black wooden ring which can only be worn by itself; and the punod or brass bracelet also worn by male Mansaka. Very distinctive among the Mansaka is the paratina (see logo of this article) or silver breastplate 15 cm in diameter. Female balian also carry the tungkaring (bells) which are placed at the back of the shirtwaist, and are used in ceremonial dances to placate angry gods. The men wear the sarakob (hats made from tamboorang) to protect themselves from the heat of the sun. A mamaan (betel nut container) attached to a string tied to the waist forms part of the male costume. Until the class was abolished, the bagani and maniklad had worn punod and bell on their legs, and red/white pudong (headbands). The sinturon or loose belt was used more for ornamental than practical purposes. The Mansaka youth of today dress more like the Visayan lowlanders (Magana 1973: 16-18).
The Mansaka, like the Mandaya, are known to have filed and blackened the teeth of their young. The Mansaka believe that only animals have white teeth. This practice has largely fallen out of favor among the youth of today because the latter want to escape from prejudice and economic depression (Magana 1973:18).
Mansaka weapons include the following varieties of spear: the piaransan, a spear with a 30-cm blade attached to it, the tuklo, a spear with a blunt point 7.5 cm long, and the budjak, a spear with a leaflike blade, 10 cm long and 7.5 cm wide. In the past, Mansaka warriors carried the karasag (wooden shields 12 cm long) with their spears; nowadays, only two of these karasag remain. Other weapons include those which require the use of arrows: the sumpitan and the busog or bow made of a bamboo stick with a rattan twine strung to its ends (Magana 1973:24).
Mansaka wood carving art is exemplified by the wooden statues of their manaog which can be classified into male and female. The male manaog stands on a parangka and is about 15 cm high. The eyes of the male manaog are made of two red glass beads, the ears, of earplugs with pendants, the nose and mouth of short lines carved at the appropriate places. The jaw and neck are bloated, as though the image had mumps. The female manaog sports a comb and a long necklace, and has apelike features with big ears. The sides of both types of manaog are profuse with dark and diagonal lines for decoration (Magana 1973:26).
Basketry, pottery, and brassware are not only art forms for the Mansaka but are also used as containers. Examples are: the mamaan, a brass box to hold chewing ingredients; the patakia, a brass dowry box; the coron, a hemispherical clay pot decorated with dots and triangles; the tibud (an earthen jar to store biais or wine), the bikat, a rattan travelling basket with shoulder slings, and waist and headbelts; the bakotal, (a cylindrical, 30-cm high mudfish container), ababa (a finely woven needle box with wooden linings inside), cabebeng (a 30-cm high cylindrical rattan cage), kambol (a flat baroy bag), kayad (a clothes container), limot (a coffee bean container made of bark), kampipi (a wallet made of baroy strips and decorated with panahi), bakag (a clothes or cereals container), sapia (a container used to measure rice or corn), pugonan (a corn receptacle), saboy (a dried gourd to store rice or biais), and kabong (a bamboo container to store nails) (Magana 1973:28-29).
The Mansaka make their sarong or lamp by wrapping dried lauan sap in abaca leaf, and tying this cover with rattan twine. When burned, it exudes the smell of incense (Magana 1973:29).
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PERFORMING ARTS
The Mansaka possess a wide array of musical instruments, giving life to their songs and dances. Examples of Mansaka musical instruments include the agong or round brass percussion instrument; a larger version of the agong is the tarabon, which was used to give war signals. The kudlog or two-stringed guitar which resembles the Maranao kudyapi (lute) comes in two varieties: a binudyaan or a two-string eight-fret guitar which has the shape of a boat with a curved neck at the end, or a binarig which has only four frets. Another Mansaka string instrument is the four-chord takol which is made of bamboo about 60 cm long and has pieces of wood placed under the string for tuning and pitch control. The kubing or jew's harp is carved out of bamboo, measures 12.5-15 cm long and 7.5 cm wide, and produces a soft melody when vibrated. Wind instruments include the parundag or Mansaka saxophone which is a 60-cm bagakay tube with five holes; and the bamboo flutes of which there are two types --- the longer bonabon and the shorter lantoy which resembles the flute. A Muslim contribution is the kulintang or gong ensemble consisting of several graduated gongs (Fuentes and De la Cruz 1980:3-4, 116-119; Magana 1972:353; Magana 1973:25-26).
One of the most popular Mansaka instruments is the gimbal or drum made of bahi (betel nut) and animal hide, of which two are appropriate: doeskin and male deerskin. The Mansaka believe that the animal hide which have not been properly aged for at least five years will not produce the right sound. A musical rendition where the gimbal is played is the lisag, a 10-minute instrumental piece performed by a man and a woman each playing the instrument. The woman assumes the feminine role when playing, and the man takes on the male's (Magana 1972:353; Magana 1973:25-26).
Mansaka folk songs are expressive of the group's culture, folkways, and traditional beliefs about the world and themselves. Magana (1972:356-357,373) has identified two forms of Mansaka folk songs: the saliada, which is similar to the ballad, and the bayok or songs of love and adventure. The former resembles the ballad in style, i.e., it employs refrain and repetition. An example of the saliada is "Amando" which tells of a protagonist who wakes up one morning, leaves his wife, and decides to marry another woman. A portion of the "Amando" follows (Magana 1972:357-362):
Yang kay laong nang Amando
Tingug nang leomakilat
Babay da sang karim ko,
Badya sang kadigi ko.
Nay panday kadyag ko
Kaubayan kaubayan
Siding buntod panday
Sang banaybanay.
Kaubayan si Nogonon
Panday si Lintawanan.
Kadegi ko pandugang
Kadyag ko pandarugno
Kaubayan si Nogonon
Panday si Lintawanan.
Agad pa kay mayninan,
Misanay gid ko pandugang,
Yandang pagapawpot,
Yandang pagapadarit
Pagapadarit na timbang
Pagapawpot na timaroy.
That was said by Amado,
The voice of the thunderbolt,
That is my love,
The object of my affection.
I want girls very much ---
Girls, ladies, and
Living mountain girls
Of the mountain,
Nonogon is a woman
Lintawanan another one.
Though married, I want to marry again
Though tied, I want to be tied again.
Nogonon is a woman;
Lintawanan another one.
Though married, I will love you;
Though married, I have affection for you.
She is the only one I want for a companion.
She is the only one I want
To embrace in bed
And to be my companion in marriage.

Sangir

The Sangir or Sangil is located in the islands of Balut, Sarangani, and the coastal areas of South Cotabato and Davao del Sur. Their name comes from Sangihe, an archipelago located between Sulawesi and Mindanao. This was their original home but they migrated northwards. A probable cause would be the pressure caused by the Dutch colonizers and the Christianization of their homeland in the 18th century. The Sangil were already Muslims before arriving in Southern Mindanao.
During the time of Spanish Colonization, the Sangils were pirates that attacked Visayas and Luzon.
Today, they earn a living by fishing and farming. Some practice boat-building of vessels like the vinta and pumpboats.^[6]

Subanon

Tagabawa

Tasaday

Main articles: Tasaday

Tboli

Main articles: Tboli

Tiruray

tribe in Philippines where Grace, Angel Antonette, Ayka Simple, Glenda, Melody, Jessa, Hark Herald, Ralphtrin Gel,william, jeno, jared, joy, and Mark Joseph belong.
their chieftain is no other than the most influential and strong, he is Ralphtrin Gel hermosisima and is running for the vice president of the Philippines with the whole-heart support of his beloved queen grace manco...Ayaw mo ug tou ani kay bakak ni ..The true chieftain is Roger Orfano

Musical Heritage of the Mindanao Lumad groups

Main articles: Music of the Philippines, Agung

Most of the Mindanao Lumad groups have a musical heritage consisting of various types of Agung ensembles - ensembles composed of large hanging, suspended or held, bossed/knobbed gongs which act as drone without any accompanying melodic instrument. Traditional Music of the Southern Philippines

Social Issues

At the beginning of the 20^th century, the Lumads controlled an area which now covers 17 of Mindanao’s 24 provinces, but by the 1980 census they constituted less than 6% of the population of Mindanao and Sulu. Heavy migration to Mindanao of Visayans, spurred by government-sponsored resettlement programmes, turned the Lumads into minorities. The Bukidnon province population grew from 63,470 in 1948 to 194,368 in 1960 and 414,762 in 1970, with the proportion of indigenous Bukidnons falling from 64% to 33% to 14%.
Lumads have a traditional concept of land ownership based on what their communities consider their ancestral territories. The historian B. R. Rodil notes that ‘a territory occupied by a community is a communal private property, and community members have the right of usufruct to any piece of unoccupied land within the communal territory.’ Ancestral lands include cultivated land as well as hunting grounds, rivers, forests, uncultivated land and the mineral resources below the land.
Unlike the Moros, the Lumad groups never formed a revolutionary group to unite them in armed struggle against the Philippine government. When the migrants came, many Lumad groups retreated into the mountains and forests. However, the Moro armed groups and the Communist-led New People’s Army (NPA) have recruited Lumads to their ranks, and the armed forces have also recruited them into paramilitary organisations to fight the Moros or the NPA.
For the Lumad, securing their rights to ancestral domain is as urgent as the Moros’ quest for self-determination. However, much of their land has already been registered in the name of multinational corporations, logging companies and wealthy Filipinos, many of whom are settlers to Mindanao. Mai Tuan, a Tboli leader explains, “Now that there is a peace agreement for the MNLF, we are happy because we are given food assistance like rice … we also feel sad because we no longer have the pots to cook it with. We no longer have control over our ancestral lands.”

References

1. Date: 31 October 2006, Kidapawan City, Philippines. Contributed by: Pependayan, LMPF Secretary General from 1988-1999
2. http://www.ncip.gov.ph/resources/ethno_detail.php?ethnoid=47 Ethnic Profile:B'laan
3. http://www.ncip.gov.ph/resources/ethno_detail.php?ethnoid=77 Ethnic Profile:Higaonon
4. http://www.bukidnon.gov.ph/pprof.htm Provincial Profile:Cultural History
5. http://www.ncip.gov.ph/resources/ethno_detail.php?ethnoid=68 Ethnic Profile:Mandaya
6. http://www.ncip.gov.ph/resources/ethno_detail.php?ethnoid=99 Ethnic Profile:Sangil

External links

★ Portraits of Lumad People

★ Preserving Culture: the Tboli of Mindanao

★ The indigenous people of Mindanao