LEFT-WING POLITICS

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In politics, 'left-wing' and 'the left', on the left-right political spectrum, is associated, in varying degrees, with social (as opposed to classical) liberalism, American liberalism, social democracy, socialism, communism, syndicalism, communalism, communitarianism, libertarian socialism, anarchism, left-libertarianism, some forms of populism, anti-colonialism, green politics, most forms of progressivism, and the Religious Left.
The left is generally secular. However, in some Roman Catholic countries there is a tradition of Liberation theology which focuses upon "social justice", and in some Protestant countries there is a tradition of Christian Socialism. Religious movements sometimes embrace left-wing politics (the U.S. civil rights movement is one such example), but these unions often revolve around specific political issues rather than a fundamental convergence.
In the first half of the twentieth century, the Old Left argued that differences in social class determined the nature of a society. Between the 1950s and 1960s, this perspective, rooted in economic determinism, was broadened by the New Left to include the broad spectrum of cultural politics: anti-racism; affirmative action; feminism; environmentalism; and, ultimately, support for the LGBT civil rights movement.
Center-left, left of center, and left liberal refer to the left side of mainstream politics in liberal democracies. These support liberal democracy, representative democracy, some degree of private property rights and free markets, high spending on social welfare, extensive regulation of the economy, and some public ownership. Examples of center-left political parties include the British Labour Party, the American Democratic Party and the Social Democratic Party of Germany.
Whereas Soft left refers to reformist, democratic or parliamentary forms of socialism (for example, Irving Howe or the Tribune group), Hard left refers to socialists who advocate more radical change in society, such as the British politician Tony Benn or the Militant Tendency. Organizations described as the far left, for instance groups affiliated to the Fourth International adopt more radical versions of left-wing politics and are rooted in the politics of the "old left." Ultra-left organizations are those deemed to be on the most extreme left of the political spectrum, for example Italian autonomism.

Origins and history of the term

:''See the Left-Right politics article for more detailed discussion of the history and development of the term''
The term originates from the French Revolution, when liberal deputies from the Third Estate generally sat to the left of the president's chair, a habit which began in the Estates General of 1789. The nobility, members of the Second Estate, generally sat to the right. It is still the tradition in the French Assemblée Nationale for the representatives to be seated left-to-right (relative to the Assemblée president) according to their political alignment.
As this original reference became obsolete, the meaning of the term has changed, and is now used to denote a broad variety of political philosophies and principles. In contemporary Western political discourse, the term is most often used to describe forms of socialism, social democracy, or, in the sense in which the term is understood in the United States, liberalism.
In the United States, no avowedly Socialist or Communist party ever became a major player in national politics, although the Social Democratic Party of Eugene V. Debs and its successor Socialist Party of America (in the late 19th and early 20th centuries) and the Communist Party of the United States of America (in the 1930s) made some inroads. While many American "liberals" might be "social democrats" in European terms, few openly embrace the term "left"; in the United States, the term is mainly embraced by New Left activists, certain portions of the labor movement, and people who see their intellectual or political heritage as descending from 19th century socialist movements.
Some Greens deny that green politics is "on the left" as several green proponents of capitalism have proposed what they considered more efficient means to achieve their objectives; nonetheless, green economic policies are generally considered to be left-wing, and when they have formed political coalitions (most notably in Germany, but also in local governments elsewhere), it has almost always been with groups that classify themselves as on the left.

Left-wing issues

The left has traditionally been concerned with the lower classes and with combating oppression. Thus the industrial revolution saw left-wing politics become associated with the conditions and worker's rights in the new industries. This led to movements advocating social democracy, socialism and trade unionism. More recently, the left has criticized what it perceives as the exploitative nature of current forms of globalization, e.g. the rise of sweatshops and the "race to the bottom", and either has sought to promote more just forms of globalization, such as fair trade, or has sought to allow nation-states to "delink" or break free of the global economy.
Although specific means of achieving these ends are not agreed upon by different left-wing groups, almost all those on the left agree that some form of government or social intervention in economics is necessary, ranging from Keynesian economics and the welfare state through industrial democracy or the social market to nationalization of the economy and central planning.
As civil and human rights gained more attention during the twentieth century, the left has allied itself with advocates of racial and gender equality and cultural tolerance.
Advocacy of government or social intervention in the market puts those on the left at odds with advocates of the free market.

War and revolution

Main articles: The Left and war

Historically, the left have been opponents of imperialist and colonial wars, and have championed anti-colonial rebellions. Opponents argue however that from Napoleon onwards the left have generally supported military conquests by regimes of whom they approve e.g. the Soviet Union.
While some segments of the left are inspired by a strict adherence to pacifism, much left-wing opposition to war arises from anti-capitalist sentiment; in other words, leftists reject warfare when they believe that capitalist's will benefit. Left-wing opposition to war is also often characterised by the internationalist belief that world's workers share common interests with one another, rather than with the powers governing their respective countries.

First and Second World Wars

The First World War triggered fierce debate among socialist groups as to the right response to take, with the leaderships of most socialist parties of the Second International supporting their governments, and a minority of socialists, such as Rosa Luxemburg and Lenin opposing the war as imperialist. Left-wing opponents to the war came together at the Zimmerwald Conference. The Bolshevik's responded to a revolt by soldiers against the First World War with promises of "bread, land and peace". These promises proved to be illusionary however, because once the Bolsheviks seized power there was famine due to enforced collectivisation and a sustained policy of terror.
As a result of the Nazi-Soviet pact supporters of the Soviet Union were instructed by Stalin to describe those who advocated military attacks upon Nazi Germany as capitalist warmongers, but when Hitler surprised Stalin by invading Communist occupied Poland overnight the majority of those on the left who had been opposed the war became supporters of military action against Germany and Japan.

Spanish Civil War

The Spanish Civil War was seen by many on the left as an important fight against fascism. In response to the outbreak of war, some joined International Brigades or other left-wing militias organized by trade unions or political parties. Others campaigned for arms embargoes and advocated intervention by the League of Nations.

Vietnam and Iraq anti-war movements

The biggest anti-war movement that involved the western left was that against the military support which the USA gave to South Vietnam when it was invaded by Communist North Vietnam. The protests formed an important part of what was described as a counter-culture movement whose advocates were advocates of liberty and world peace. Critics argue that the widespread support for these protests amongst those of military age was motivated largely by a desire to avoid military service, and once President Nixon abolished the draft and began to withdraw American troops from S-E Asia there were no widespread protests by young people about the subsequent suppression of liberty in Vietnam and Cambodia that occurred as a consequence of rule by Marxist governments.
The American-led war in Iraq led to new anti-war movements. The governments of some social democratic political parties (such as Tony Blair's Labour Party) sent their countries' troops to participate in this war. A Left justification for this policy is supplied by, for example, Oliver Kamm ''Anti-Totalitarianism: The Left-wing Case for a Neo-Conservative Foreign Policy''. ^[1] However, most of the left has opposed the war in Iraq. Some claim that the war in Iraq is imperialist, that oil and control of the Middle East and not the removal of regime of Saddam Hussain were the actual goals. Others seek to draw attention to the fact that some of the justification for the war turned out to be untrue, specifically the claim that Iraq had weapons of mass destruction.^[2] ^[3]
Some criticism has been levelled at some left-wing groups for forming anti-war coalitions with conservative organisations (such as the paleoconservative Antiwar.com) or with groups led by fundamentalist Islamists (such as the Muslim Association of Britain). Some on the French left (especially within ATTAC) argue that antiwar protests distract from the economic arguments advocated by the anti-globalisation movement. In the U.S., much left-wing activism was channelled into Anybody but Bush campaigns, which effectively meant supporting the centrist Democratic Party. In the U.K, anti-war feeling may have been a factor in a drop in support for the pro-war Labour Party government, and the cause of gains for the Liberal Democrats.

The left and political violence

The political term ''left'' arose during the French Revolution, i.e. during a period of political violence. The political left has a variety of positions on the issue of violence. This has ranged from the pacificism of the Independent Labour Party or social democrats' faith in legal, peaceful means of social change to the advocacy of violence by the revolutionary left.
Among the advocates of violent revolution were the Narodniks in Russia in the late 19th and early 20th centuries. They sought to overthrow the oppressive authoritarianism of the Tsarist state by systematic attacks on the Tsar and his ministers, a strategy known as propaganda of the deed. Their strategy was hotly debated within the Russian left; for example, Leon Trotsky wrote:

'In our eyes, individual terror is inadmissible precisely because it belittles the role of the masses in their own consciousness, reconciles them to their own powerlessness, and turns their eyes and hopes toward a great avenger and liberator who someday will come and accomplish his mission.'^[4]

Similarly, most libertarian socialists turned against the Narodniks' terrorism.^[5]
In the 1970s, various left-wing groups sprang up from the social movements of the time, such as Weathermen and the Symbionese Liberation Army in the U.S., the Angry Brigade in the UK, the Baader-Meinhof group in Germany, the Red Brigades in Italy and so on. These groups turned to acts of terrorism in order to either hasten what they deemed progress or in order to shock the populace into dissatisfaction with the status quo. They also considered armed struggle to be necessary from an anti-imperialist view point, targeting in some cases NATO bases or United States military bases in an attempt to oppose the Vietnam War. Except in cases where they drew upon existing conflicts, for example the Provisional IRA, they lacked political support, they were eventually dismantled by the state, which enacted anti-terrorism legislation to provide it with the "extraordinary means." [1]

The Left and global justice/anti-corporate globalization

The Global Justice Movement movement, also known as the anti-globalisation or alter-globalization movement, are protesters against global trade agreements and the negative consequences they perceive them to have for the poor and the environment. This movement is generally characterised as left-wing, though some activists within it reject association with the traditional left. There are also those on the right, Pat Buchanan for example, who oppose globalization on nationalistic grounds. The Global Justice Movement does not oppose globalisation per se, on the contrary, it supports some forms of internationalism). The main themes of the movement are the reforms of international institutions such as the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund, and the creation of an international social justice movement. It rejects the leadership of any political party, defining itself as a "movement of movements." Free market critics claim that anti-globalization simply re-packages economic policies which have failed to decrease poverty in developing countries.

The left and feminism

:Main articles: The left and feminism

Early feminism in the nineteenth century was often, although not always, connected to radical politics. Today, socialist feminists, Marxist feminists and liberal feminists position themselves as on the left of the political spectrum. Radical feminists however reject the entire left/right distinction.

The left and the Third World

Left wing politics drove many of the anti-colonial movements in Africa, Asia and South America. After the collapse of the Soviet Union most Third World governments however sought funding from the World Bank. A contemporary exception is Venezuela, which relies on the income generated by its oil reserves.
Some left wing groups in the developing world, such as the Zapatista Army of National Liberation in Mexico, argue that the Western left takes a racist and paternalistic attitude towards developing countries. There is particular criticism of the role played by NGOs.
The anti-globalization movement around the world is one of the main generators of support for left-wing social causes of all types. There has however been a decline in support for Stalinist or Maoist politics (Note: there were many anti-Stalinist left-wing movements in developing countries during the Cold War but they were marginalized by the power of the pro-Stalinist movements funded by the Soviet Union.

The left and postmodernism

Left-wing Post-modernist theories reject attempts at universal explanatory theories such as Marxism, deriding them as grand narratives. They argue for an embrace of culture as the battle grounds for change, rejecting traditional ways of organising such as political parties and trade unions, focusing instead on critiquing or deconstruction. Left-wing critics of Post-modernism view it as a reaction to the economic failure of State Socialism (both in Europe and Latin America and the USA) and disillusionment with authoritarian Communist regimes. They assert that cultural studies courses inflate the importance of culture through denying the existence of an independent reality.^[6]^[7]^[8]
The most famous critique of post-modernism from within the left came in the form of a 1996 prank by physicist and self-described leftist Alan Sokal. Concerned about what he saw as the increasing prevalence on the left of "a particular kind of nonsense and sloppy thinking… that denies the existence of objective realities, or…downplays their practical relevance…",^[9] Sokal composed a nonsensical article entitled "Transgressing the Boundaries: Toward a Transformative Hermeneutics of Quantum Gravity"^[10]
, in which a mix of mis-stated and mis-used terms from physics, postmodernism, literary analysis, and political theory are used to claim that physical reality, and especially gravitation, do not objectively exist, but are psychologically and politically constructed.
The journal ''Social Text'' published the paper in its Spring/Summer 1996 issue, whereupon Sokal publicly revealed his hoax. While some saw Sokal as attacking leftism in general, he was very clear that this was intended as a critique from within:

Politically, I'm angered because most (though not all) of this silliness is emanating from the self-proclaimed Left. We're witnessing here a profound historical ''volte-face''. For most of the past two centuries, the Left has been identified with science and against obscurantism… epistemic relativism betrays this worthy heritage and undermines the already fragile prospects for progressive social critique. Theorizing about “the social construction of reality” won't help us find an effective treatment for AIDS or devise strategies for preventing global warming. Nor can we combat false ideas in history, sociology, economics and politics if we reject the notions of truth and falsity.… The results of my little experiment demonstrate, at the very least, that some fashionable sectors of the American academic Left have been getting intellectually lazy.^[9]

Right-wing critics view post-modernism as nihilistic. Gary Jason claims that "''The failure of socialism, both empirically and theoretically, ... brought about a crisis of faith among socialists, and Post-modernism is their response.''"^[12]
Some opponents, such as writer David Horowitz, claim that post-modernists seek to deride the concept of truth, while at the same time engaging in politically motivated witch hunts of anybody deemed to deviate from politically correct views.

The Left and Darwinism

The Left's relationship with Darwinism has generally been congenial (Stalin typically excepting himself by supporting Trofim Lysenko's Lamarckian views). Around the turn of the 20th century, Socialists of the Progressive era explicitly opposed the Spencerian concept of the "survival of the fittest", and its extension to Social Darwinism (a cause which Darwin himself opposed).
In 1875 Friedrich Engels wrote a letter to Pyotr Lavrov saying

"I accept the theory of evolution, but Darwin’s method of proof (struggle for life, natural selection) I consider only a first, provisional, imperfect expression of a newly discovered fact. ... The interaction of bodies in nature — inanimate as well as animate — includes both harmony and collision, struggle and cooperation. When therefore a self-styled natural scientist takes the liberty of reducing the whole of historical development with all its wealth and variety to the one-sided and meager phrase "struggle for existence", a phrase which even in the sphere of nature can be accepted only cum grano salis, such a procedure really contains its own condemnation."^[13]

In 1902 the anarchist philosopher and scientist Peter Kropotkin published the book '', which discussed additional means for the natural selection and evolution of species, beyond "Survival of the Fittest". Written partly as a response to Social Darwinism and in particular to Thomas H. Huxley's essay, "The Struggle for Existence", published in the magazine ''Nineteenth Century'', Kropotkin drew on his experiences in scientific expeditions during his time in Siberia to illustrate the phenomenon of cooperation in animal and human communities. After examining the evidence of cooperation among the animals, the "savages", the "barbarians", in the medieval city, and in modern times, he concluded that cooperation and mutual aid are as important in the evolution of the species as competition and mutual strife, if not more important.

Notes

1. Oliver Kamm ''Anti -Totalitarianism: The Left-wing Case for a Neo-Conservative Foreign Policy''2005, London: Social Affairs Unit ISBN 1-904863-06-X
2. Sheldon Rampton and John Stauber, ''Weapons of Mass Deception: The Uses of Propaganda in Bush's War on Iraq'', Tarcher, 2003, ISBN 1585422762, ISBN-13 978-1585422760.
3. Ali A. Allawi, ''The Occupation of Iraq: Winning the War, Losing the Peace'', Yale University Press, 2007, ISBN 0300110154, ISBN-13 978-0300110159.
4. ''Terrorism and Communism'' by Leon Trotsky

5. See Anarchists Against Terrorism for some classic anarchist critiques of terrorism. Notable libertarian socialist and anarchist opponents of propaganda of the deed include Peter Kropotkin, Rudolf Rocker and Fernand Pelloutier.
6. p
7. Postmodernism, commodity fetishism and hegemony, Néstor Kohan, International Socialism, Issue 105.
8. Chomsky on Postmodernism, Noam Chomsky, Z-Magazine's Left On-Line Bulletin Board.
9. A Physicist Experiments With Cultural Studies, Alan Sokal
10. Transgressing the Boundaries: Towards a Transformative Hermeneutics of Quantum Gravity, Alan Sokal, first published in; Social Text, issule 46/47, 1996
11. A Physicist Experiments With Cultural Studies, Alan Sokal
12. Socialism's Last Bastion, Gary Jason, Liberty
13. Engels to Pyotr Lavrov In London, Marx-Engels Correspondence 1875, Marx/Engels Internet Archive (2000)

Bibliography

★ ''Encyclopedia of the American Left'', ed. by Mari Jo Buhle, Paul Buhle, Dan Georgakas, Second Edition, Oxford University Press 1998, ISBN 0-19-512088-4

★ Lin Chun, ''The British New Left'', Edinburgh : Edinburgh Univ. Press, 1993

★ Geoff Eley, ''Forging Democracy: The History of the Left in Europe, 1850-2000'', Oxford University Press 2002, ISBN 0-19-504479-7

★ ''Marxism on Terrorism'' by John Molyneux

★ ''Terrorism and Communism'' by Karl Kautsky

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LEFT-WING POLITICS

Origins and history of the term

Left-wing issues

War and revolution

First and Second World Wars

Spanish Civil War

Vietnam and Iraq anti-war movements

The left and political violence

The Left and global justice/anti-corporate globalization

The left and feminism

The left and the Third World

The left and postmodernism

The Left and Darwinism

Notes

Bibliography

See also

Left-wing Ideologies

Left-wing issues

Related political topics

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