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'Prince Klemens Wenzel von Metternich' (in German: ''Klemens Wenzel Nepomuk Lothar Fürst^[1] von Metternich-Winneburg zu Beilstein'') (May 15, 1773 – June 11, 1859) was a German-Austrian politician and statesman, and one of the most important diplomats of his era. He was a major figure on the negotiations leading to and at the Congress of Vienna and is considered both a paradigm of foreign policy management and a major figure on the development of diplomacy. He was the prime practitioner of 19th century diplomatic realism, deeply rooted on the balance of power postulates.

Contents

Early life

Minister

Post-Napoleonic Europe

Resignation

Legacy

Kissinger's studies

Notes

See also

Bibliography

External links

Early life

Metternich was born in Coblenz. His father, Count Franz George Karl von Metternich-Winneburge zu Beilstein, was a diplomat who had passed from the service of the Archbishopric of Trier to that of the court of Vienna. His mother was Countess Maria Beatrice Aloisia von Kagenegg.
At the time of Metternich's birth, and for some time after that, his father was Austrian ambassador to the courts of the three Rhenish electors, and the boy was at first brought up under the influence of the tone and ideas flourishing in the small German courts that lay within the French sphere of influence under the Ancien Regime.
In 1788, Metternich attended the University of Strasbourg, but the outbreak of the French Revolution caused him to leave after two years. In 1790, he was deputed by the Catholic bench of the Westphalian College of Counts to act as their Master of the Ceremonies at the coronation of the new Emperor Leopold II at Frankfurt, a function he repeated at the coronation of Francis II in 1792. He then found employment in the Chancery of the Austrian minister to the Government of the Netherlands.
After a long stay in England, Metternich moved to Vienna. On September 27, 1795 he married the Countess Eleonore von Kaunitz, a grand-daughter of Austrian chancellor. This alliance introduced him into the most exalted circles of Viennese society. In December, 1797, he was chosen by the Westphalian Counts as their representative to the Congress of Rastatt, where he remained until 1799. In January, 1801, he was appointed Austrian envoy to the Elector of Saxony, where he came acquired contacts with many Russian and Polish families of importance. In November, 1803, he was appointed Ambassador to Berlin.
In Berlin, Metternich made himself so agreeable to the French envoy that Napoleon requested that he be sent to Paris, where he took up residence as Ambassador in August of 1806. His influence in European politics grew rapidly, and he ingratiated himself everywhere at the French Court and in society. In 1809, however, war broke out between France and Austria. Metternich was arrested in reprisal for the internment of two members of the French embassy in Hungary. In June, upon Napoleon's capture of Vienna, he was conducted to the city under military guard but was exchanged in July for the French diplomats.
On July 8, Metternich succeeded Johann Philip Standion as Minister of State. He was absent at the peace conference at Altenburg when the Emperor signed the Treaty of Schönbrunn on October 14, 1809, although he had been appointed Foreign Minister on October 8.

Minister

The position of Austria, reduced by the Treaty of Schönbrunn to the level of a second-rate power, was one of great difficulty and danger, and of this Metternich was fully conscious. His first goal was to gain time and separate Napoleon from the Tsar. The power that seemed to attract him was France, Austria's late enemy, although he was determined not to lose his freedom of action by making great concessions.
Napoleon's request for the hand of Archduchess Marie Louise fitted Metternich's plans admirably, and he accompanied the princess to Paris on March 13, 1810. The concessions that he wrung for Austria were quite small, but Metternich had managed to restore Austria's freedom to move. Metternich hurried back to Vienna on October 10, just in time to stop the pro-Russian party at the Austrian court from compromising this liberty by concluding an alliance with Russia and to win over the Emperor for his policy of armed abstention.
With the Franco-Russian War approaching, this policy became increasingly difficult to maintain in its entirety. Although Metternich concluded an alliance with Napoleon on March 14, 1813, promising military assistance in return for concessions that France was now obliged to offer, he at once informed Russia that Austria's troops would act only on the defensive and held out the prospect of a renewal of the old alliance of the conservative powers. When Napoleon suffered a catastrophe in Russia, Metternich extracted Austria from her alliance, reverted to neutrality, and soon maneuvered his country into the position of arbiter of Europe. When Metternich visited Napoleon at Dresden on June 26, he still served as an impartial mediator in an attempt to end the war and re-establish good relations between the three countries. Napoleon, however, was now interested only in taking complete control of Austria and Russia and stated, "We shall meet in Vienna."
After this meeting, Metternich understood that it was necessary to protect Austria. In the war that followed, he was chiefly anxious to ensure that the balance of power did not swing too far in any direction, strengthening neither Russia or Prussia. The course of events forced him, against his wishes, to agree to the restoration of the Bourbons, but he was successful in ensuring the creation of a Federation of German states. Metternich also tempered the fear of a Russian dictatorship by promoting the principle of concerted action by the Great Powers according to international interests. This principle, after Napoleon's fall, governed the European political system.

Post-Napoleonic Europe

On April 10, Metternich arrived in Paris, ten days after its occupation by the allies. He was now at the height of his reputation. On October 20, 1813, he had been created a Prince of the Austrian Empire. At the same time, the countship of Daruvar had been bestowed on him. On May 30, Metternich set his signature to the Treaty of Paris, and on July 18, he was back in Vienna, where the Congress of Vienna of October, 1814 - November, 1815 was to meet in the autumn. At the Congress, Metternich's charm and social gifts gave him much personal influence; the ease and versatility with which he handled intricate diplomatic questions excited admiration. Whatever the real wisdom of the decisions, he reached a settlement in Germany and Italy precisely in accordance with his wishes and emerged from the Congress content with his work.
Metternich was destined to spend much of the remainder of his life in an attempt to stabilize and make permanent the situation that he had so largely helped to create. The key-note of his policy henceforward was his attempt to use the European concert as an instrument for ensuring stability by preventing revolutionary movements. The revolutions of the 1830s seemed to threaten Metternich's system, yet gave it, at least, a temporary new lease on life. The Berlin Convention of 1833 was a fresh triumph for Metternich's diplomacy but also his last, conspicuous, intervention in the general affairs of Europe. His system had already passed away.
In domestic affairs, Metternich was not the whole-hearted reactionary for which he is often taken. He was too intelligent not to see the abuses inherent in the Austrian governmental system and would gladly have remedied some of them, since he had worked for equal rights and opportunities for the various peoples in the Austrian Empire. Metternich even proposed the formation of a parliament in which all the ethnic groups in the empire could be represented with seats determined by the group's percentage of the state's population. The real author of the incredibly reactionary and aggressive regime in Austria in the opening half of the 19th century was Emperor Francis I. Metternich had declared himself more than once, and possibly believed himself, to be a liberal. In any case, he lacked the ability to institute the reforms he felt necessary. Although for many years chancellor of Austria, he was not primarily interested in internal policy.

Resignation

The Liberal Revolutions of 1848 marked the end of Metternich's career. The Vienna mob stood thundering at the door of his cabinet demanding his resignation. This resignation was accepted by the emperor on March 18, 1848, after which Metternich and his family left for England. There he lived in retirement, at Brighton and London, until October, 1849, when he moved to Brussels. In May, 1851, he traveled to his estate of Johannesberg; in September he returned to Vienna. He died in Vienna on June 11, 1859.

Legacy

Probably no statesman in his own day was as praised and spattered with abuse as Metternich, known as "The Coachman of Europe." In one view, he was revered as the infallible oracle of diplomatic inspiration; in another, he was loathed and despised as the very incarnation of the spirit of obscurantism and oppression. The victories of democracy have brought the latter view into fashion, and to the liberal historians of the latter part of the 19th century, the name ''Metternich'' was synonymous with a system in which they could recognize nothing but senseless opposition. Reaction against this view found its fullest expression in the work of Srbik. Of the techniques of diplomacy, for example, Metternich was a master; his dispatches were models of diplomatic style. They were certainly sententious, over-elaborate, and excessively lengthy, but their phrase-making was often the result of astute calculation.

Kissinger's studies

Metternich has earned the admiration of succeeding generations for his brilliant management of foreign policy. Henry Kissinger idolized Metternich, and studied him closely. He wrote his Harvard University Ph.D. dissertation, later published in 1957 under the title ''A World Restored: Metternich, Castlereagh and the Problems of the Peace 1812-1822'', on the European negotiations for achieving a balance of power after Waterloo and praised Metternich's role in holding together the crumbling Austrian Empire. It should be noted that Kissinger's work has generated controversy in academic circlesby the likes of historian Paul W. Schroeder, and others, drawing criticism for its absence of footnotes, among other issues.

Notes

1.


★ There is a sparkling wine named after him, ''Fürst von Metternich'' Riesling Sekt.

See also

★ Age of Metternich

★ Princess Pauline de Metternich

Bibliography

★ Palmer, A., ''Metternich: Councillor of Europe''. London: Orion, 1997 ed.

★ Kissinger, H., "A World Restored: Metternich, Castlereagh and the Problems of the Peace 1812-1822". London: Weidenfeld & Nicolson, 1999

★ Encyclopaedia Britannica, Volume 15, Metternich, 1989

External links

#Metternich on censorship
#Fürst von Metternich sparkling wine
#Castle Kynžvart (Königswart) in Western Bohemia - Metternich's residence with collections, now open to the public