HAYMARKET RIOT

:''Haymarket bombing redirects here, for the 2007 London car bombs in London, see 2007 London car bombs''
The 'Haymarket Riot' on May 4, 1886 in Chicago is generally considered to have been an important influence on the origin of international May Day observances for workers.[2] In popular literature this event inspired the caricature of "a bomb-throwing anarchist." The causes of the incident are still controversial, although deeply polarized attitudes separating the business class and the working class in late 19th century Chicago are generally acknowledged as having precipitated the tragedy and its aftermath. The site of the riot was designated as a Chicago Landmark on March 25, 1992.[3] It was listed on the National Register of Historic Places and as a National Historic Landmark on February 18, 1997.

Contents
Strife and confrontation
May Day parade and strikes
Rally at Haymarket Square
Trial, executions and pardons
Haymarket Square in the aftermath
Defendants
See also
Notes
References
External links
External images

Strife and confrontation


May Day parade and strikes

In early 1886, a convention of the Federation of Organized Trades and Labor Unions (FOTLU) of the United States and Canada set May 1, 1886 as the date by which the eight-hour work day would become law.
In 1884, the following resolution was introduced and accepted at the convention of the Federation of Organized Trades and Labor Unions of the United States and Canada (FOTLU)1:

★ (It is) Resolved ... that eight hours shall constitute a legal day's labor from and after May 1, 1886, and that we recommend to labor organizations throughout this district that they so direct their laws so as to conform to this resolution by the time named.
The resolution was adopted unanimously.
How May Day Became a Workers' Holiday

The FOTLU, and the International Working People's Association (IWPA) began preparing for a general strike. However, the Knights of Labor, a more conservative organization, opposed the strike.
National or local officials of the three main labour organisations present in the United States at the time, the FOTLU,1 the Knights of Labor ² and the International Working People's Association (IWPA) ³ began preparing for a general strike to be held on that date. The national office of the Knights of Labor, the most conservative of these three organizations, opposed the strike. Local offices ignored Grand Master Workman Terence Powderly's letter of 13 March, 1886, forbidding members of the Knights to strike. The FOTLU and the IWPA organised aggressively. In particular, Albert Parsons and August Spies spoke to gatherings of working people in Chicago at every opportunity.
#This organisation evolved into the AFL-CIO (American Federation of Labor-Congress of Industrial Organizations), currently the largest labour organisation in the United States.
#This was the oldest and most conservative labour organisation in the United States at the time. The official position of its national leadership was that strikes were wrong. Education would lead to the gradual introduction of workers' co-operatives as the means of production.
#A radical, anarchist organisation.
How May Day Became a Workers' Holiday

On Saturday May 1, rallies were held throughout the United States. There were an estimated 10,000 demonstrators in New York and 11,000 in Detroit. In Milwaukee, Wisconsin, some 12,000 workers turned out; four days later, Wisconsin National Guard troops opened fire on the crowd of protesters, killing seven people in the Bay View Massacre. The largest rally was in Chicago, where an estimated 90,000 people participated. Albert Parsons, an Anarchist and founder of the International Working People's Association, along with his wife Lucy Parsons and seven children, led marchers down Michigan Avenue. In the next few days, an estimated total of 350,000 workers nationwide went on strike at 1,200 factories.
On May 3 striking workers in Chicago met near the McCormick Harvesting Machine Co. plant, where a fight broke out when replacement workers attempted to cross the picket lines. Chicago police intervened and attacked the strikers, killing four and wounding several others, and sparking outrage in the city's working community.
Local anarchists quickly printed and distributed fliers calling for a rally the following day at Haymarket Square (also called 'the Haymarket') — then a bustling commercial center near the corner of Randolph Street and Des Plaines Street, in what was later called Chicago's west Loop. These fliers alleged that police had murdered the strikers on behalf of business interests and urged workers to seek justice.
Rally at Haymarket Square

This 19th century engraving showing exaggerated flames and smoke was published in popular newspapers and magazines during the days and weeks following the Haymarket riot. It also appeared in some history textbooks.

The rally began peacefully under a light rain on the evening of May 4. August Spies spoke to the large crowd while standing in an open wagon on Des Plaines Street.[4] According to many witnesses, Spies said he was not there to incite anyone. Meanwhile a large number of on-duty police officers watched from nearby. The crowd was so calm that Mayor Carter Harrison, Sr., who had stopped by to watch, walked home early. Some time later the police ordered the rally to disperse and began marching in formation towards the speakers' wagon. A bomb was thrown at the police line and exploded, killing policeman Mathias J. Degan.[5] The police immediately opened fire. While several of their number besides Degan appear to have been injured by the bomb, most of the casualties seem to have been caused by bullets. About sixty officers were wounded in the riot, as well as an unknown number of civilians. In all, seven policemen and at least four workers were killed in the riot. There is no accurate count of the latter, as those injured were afraid to seek medical attention for injuries, fearing punishment for their part in the riot. the bomb The explosion was caused by a dynamite bomb which was thrown into our ranks from the east sidewalk, and fell in the second division and near the dividing line between the companies of Lieuts. Stanton and Bowler. For an instant the entire command of the above named officers, with many of the first and third divisions was thrown to the ground. Alas many never to rise again. The men recovered, instantly, and returned the fire of the mob. Lieuts. Steele and Quinn charged the mob on the street, while the company of Lieut. Hubbard with the few uninjured members of the second division swept both sidewalks with a hot and telling fire, and in a few minutes the Anarchists were flying in every direction. I then gave the order to cease firing, fearing that some of our men, in the darkness might fire into each other.
Inspector John Bonfield report to Frederick Ebersold, General Superintendent of Police, , , , Haymarket Affair Digital Collection,


I saw a man, whom I afterwards identified as Fielding, standing on a truck wagon at the corner of what is known as Crane's Alley. I raised by baton and in a loud voice, ordered them to disperse as peaceable citizens. I also called upon three persons in the crowd to assist in dispersing the mob. Fielding got down from the wagon, saying at the time, "We are peaceable," as he uttered the last word, I heard a terrible explosion behind where I was standing, followed almost instantly by an irregular volley of pistol shots in our front and from the sidewalk on the east side of the street, which was immediately followed by regular and well directed volleys from the police and which was kept up for several minutes. I then ordered the injured men brought to the stations and sent for surgeons to attend to their injuries. After receiving the necessary attention most of the injured officers were removed to the County Hospital and I highly appreciate the manner in which they were received by Warden McGarrigle who did all in his power to make them comfortable as possible.
William Ward Capt. 3rd Prect report to Frederick Ebersold, General Superintendent of Police, , , , Haymarket Affair Digital Collection,

Trial, executions and pardons


Eight people connected directly or indirectly with the rally and its anarchist organisers were charged with Degan's murder: August Spies, Albert Parsons, Adolph Fischer, George Engel, Louis Lingg, Michael Schwab, Samuel Fielden and Oscar Neebe. Five (Spies, Fischer, Engel, Lingg and Schwab) were German immigrants while a sixth, Neebe, was a U.S. citizen of German descent.
The trial was presided over by Judge Joseph Gary. The defense counsel included Sigmund Zeisler, William Perkins Black, William Foster and Moses Salomon. The prosecution, led by Julius Grinnell, did not offer evidence connecting any of the defendants with the bombing but argued that the person who had thrown the bomb had been encouraged to do so by the defendants, who as conspirators were therefore equally responsible.
Albert Parsons' brother claimed that there was evidence linking the Pinkertons to the bomb.The Eye That Never Sleeps, A History of the Pinkerton National Detective Agency, Frank Morn, 1982, page 99.
The jury returned guilty verdicts for all eight defendants, with death sentences for seven. Neebe received a sentence of 15 years in prison. The sentencing sparked outrage from budding labor and workers movements, resulted in protests around the world, and made the defendants international political celebrities and heroes within labor and radical political circles. Meanwhile, the press published often sensationalized accounts and opinions about the incident, which polarized public reaction. Journalist George Frederic Parsons, for example, wrote a piece for the ''Atlantic Monthly'' articulating the fears of middle-class Americans concerning labor radicalism, asserting that workers had only themselves to blame for their troubles.[6]
Waldheim Cemetery, Chicago in May 1986 during ceremonies commemorating the 100th anniversary of the Haymarket riot

The case was appealed to the Supreme Court of Illinois,[7] then to the Supreme Court of the United States, where the defendants were represented by John Randolph Tucker, Roger Atkinson Pryor, General Benjamin F. Butler and William P. Black. The petition for certiorari was denied.[8]
After the appeals had been exhausted, Illinois Governor Richard James Oglesby commuted Fielden's and Schwab's sentences to life in prison. On the eve of his scheduled execution, Lingg committed suicide in his cell using a smuggled dynamite cap which he reportedly held in his mouth like a cigar (the blast blew off half his face and he survived in agony for several hours).
The next day, November 11, 1887, Spies, Parsons, Fischer, and Engel were hanged together before a public audience. Taken to the gallows in white robes and hoods, they sang the ''Marseillaise'', the anthem of the international revolutionary movement. Family members including Lucy Parsons who attempted to see them for the last time were arrested and searched for bombs. None were found. August Spies was widely quoted as having shouted out, "The time will come when our silence will be more powerful than the voices you strangle today." Witnesses reported that the condemned did not die when they dropped, but strangled to death slowly, a sight which left the audience visibly shaken.
Lingg, Spies, Fischer, Engel and Parsons were buried at the German Waldheim Cemetery in Forest Park, Illinois, a suburb of Chicago. Schwab and Neebe were also buried at Waldheim when they died, reuniting the "Martyrs." In 1893, the 'Haymarket Martyrs Monument', by sculptor Albert Weinert, was raised at Waldheim. Over a century later it was designated a National Historic Landmark by the United States Department of the Interior, the only cemetery memorial to be noted as such.
The trial is often referred to by scholars as one of the most serious miscarriages of justice in United States history.[9] Most working people believed that Pinkerton agents provoked the incident.The Eye That Never Sleeps, A History of the Pinkerton National Detective Agency, Frank Morn, 1982, page 99. On June 26 1893, Illinois Governor John Peter Altgeld signed pardons for Fielden, Neebe, and Schwab after having concluded all eight defendants were innocent. The governor stated that the real reason for the bombing was the city of Chicago's failure to hold Pinkerton guards responsible for shooting workers.The Eye That Never Sleeps, A History of the Pinkerton National Detective Agency, Frank Morn, 1982, page 99. On April 9, 1885, Pinkertons shot and killed an elderly man at the McCormick Harvester Company Works in Chicago. On October 19, 1886, they shot and killed a man in Chicago's packinghouse district. More info. The pardons ended his political career.
The police commander who ordered the dispersal was later convicted of corruption. The bomb thrower was never identified, although some anarchists privately indicated they had later learned his identity but kept quiet to avoid further prosecutions. Some evidence, however, pointed towards a man named Rudolph Schnaubelt, an agent of the police posing as an anarchist; the evidence shows that he might have been hired by the police to throw the bomb, thus allowing them to arrest the leaders of Chicago's anarchist movement.[10]

Haymarket Square in the aftermath


Activist Michael K at the statueless pedestal of the controversial police monument in the remains of Chicago's Haymarket Square on the tragedy's 100th anniversary in early May, 1986. He reportedly "took to his grave" whatever he knew about the 1969 and 1970 bombings (the pedestal has since been removed).

Mary Brogger's 2004 bronze sculpture at Haymarket Square, Chicago.

The sculpture

The sculpture

The vandalized plaque on the pedestal of Mary Brogger's Haymarket Memorial sculpture

In 1889 a commemorative nine-foot bronze statue of a Chicago policeman by sculptor Johannes Gelert was erected in the middle of Haymarket Square with private funds raised by the Union League Club of Chicago. On the 41st anniversary of the riot, May 4 1927, a streetcar jumped its tracks and crashed into the monument (statements made by the driver suggested this may have been deliberate).
The city moved it to nearby Lincoln Park. During the early 1960s, freeway construction erased about half of the old, run down market square and the statue was moved back to a spot on a newly built outcropping overlooking the freeway, near its original location. In October 1969 it was blown up, repaired by the city and blown up again a year later, reportedly by the Weather Underground.
Mayor Richard J. Daley placed a 24-hour police guard around the statue for two years before it was moved to the enclosed courtyard of Chicago Police academy in 1972. The statue's empty, graffiti-marked pedestal stood in the desolate remains of Haymarket Square for another three decades, where it was known as an anarchist landmark.
On June 1, 2007, the Gelert statue was rededicated at the Chicago Police Headquarters on a new pedestal.
In 1985, scholars doing research for a possible centennial commemoration of the riot were surprised to learn that most of the primary source documentation relating to the incident was not in Chicago, but had been transferred to then-communist East Berlin.
In 1992 the site of the speakers' wagon was marked by a bronze plaque set into the sidewalk, reading:
''A decade of strife between labor and industry culminated here in a confrontation that resulted in the tragic death of both workers and policemen. On May 4 1886, spectators at a labor rally had gathered around the mouth of Crane's Alley. A contingent of police approaching on Des Plaines Street were met by a bomb thrown from just south of the alley. The resultant trial of eight activists gained worldwide attention for the labor movement, and initiated the tradition of "May Day" labor rallies in many cities.''
:''Designated on March 25, 1992''
:''Richard M. Daley, Mayor''
On September 14 2004, Daley and union leaders unveiled a monument by Chicago artist Mary Brogger, a fifteen-foot speakers' wagon sculpture echoing the wagon on which the labor leaders stood in Haymarket Square to champion the eight-hour day. The bronze sculpture, centerpiece of a proposed "Labor Park" there, is meant to symbolize both the assembly at Haymarket and free speech. The planned site was to include an international commemoration wall, sidewalk plaques, a cultural pylon, seating area and banners but a year later work had not yet begun.

Defendants



August Spies, German immigrant, was hanged

Albert Parsons, U.S. citizen, was hanged

Adolph Fischer, German immigrant, was hanged

George Engel, German immigrant, was hanged

Louis Lingg, German immigrant, sentenced to death, took his own life with dynamite while in prison [11]

Michael Schwab, German immigrant, death sentence commuted to life in prison, then pardoned in 1893

Samuel Fielden, English immigrant, death sentence commuted to life in prison, then pardoned in 1893

Oscar Neebe, U.S. citizen of German descent, sentenced to 15 years, served seven until pardoned in 1893

See also



Dyer Lum, close associate of the martyrs who wrote an account of the case in 1891.

Bay View Massacre (in Milwaukee, Wisconsin, May 5, 1886)

May Day Riots of 1894

May Day Riots of 1919

Notes


References



★ ''The Autobiographies of the Haymarket Martyrs'', Pathfinder Press, New York, ISBN 0-87348-879-2.[1]

Avrich, Paul, ''The Haymarket Affair''.

★ Bach, Ira and Mary Lackritz Gray, ''Chicago's Public Sculpture'', University of Chicago Press, Chicago, IL, 1983.

★ Fireside, Bryna J, ''Haymarket Square Riot Trial: A Headline Court Case'', Enslow Publishers, Inc., Berkeley Heights, NJ, 2002.

★ Green, James, ''Death in the Haymarket'', Pantheon, 2006.

★ Harris, Frank, ''The Bomb'', Feral House Printing, Portland, OR, 1963.

★ Hucke, Matt and Ursula Bielski, ''Graveyards of Chicago'', Lake Claremont Press, Chicago, IL, 1999.

★ Kvaran, Einar Einarsson, ''Haymarket - A Century Later'', unpublished manuscript.

★ Riedy, James L, ''Chicago Sculpture'', University of Illinois Press, Urbana, IL, 1981.

★ Rodeiger, Dave and Rosemont, Franklin, ed. ''Haymarket Scrapbook'', Charles H. Kerr Publishing Co., Chicago, 1986.

Anarchy and anarchists: a history of the red terror and the social revolution in America and Europe : communism, socialism, and nihilism in doctrine and in deed : the Chicago Haymarket conspiracy, and the detection and trial of the conspirators, Michael J. Schaack, , , F.J. Schulte & Co, 1889, .

External links



The Chicago Historical Society Haymarket Affair Digital Collection

Illinois vs. August Spies et al. trial transcript

Inspector John Bonfield report to Frederick Ebersold, General Superintendent of Police, 1886 May 30.

Anarchist Archives The Haymarket Massacre Archive

The Haymarket Martyrs

The Haymarket Monument

Mayday and the Haymarket Martyrs

The Haymarket Massacre Anarchy Now! page

Officer Down Memorial Page

Library of Congress Memory page

Death in the Haymarket:A Story of Chicago, the First Labor Movement, and the Bombing that Divided Gilded-Age America

Ripley's Believe It or Not! purchases Cook County gallows used to execute Spies, Parsons, Fischer, and Engel for $68,300 [2]

External images



Late 19th century postcard view of Haymarket Square

The police monument at its original site in Haymarket Square

Gelert's Union League Club statue in the courtyard of Chicago police headquarters

Brogger's sculpture at Haymarket Square during the winter of 2004-05

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