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The 'Gukurahundi' (Shona: "the early rain which washes away the chaff before the spring rains"[1]) was a series of politically-motivated mass murders that occurred in Zimbabwe. The Zimbabwean Fifth Brigade, led by Perence Shiri, killed suspected members and supporters of the Zimbabwe African People's Union in the Ndebele provinces of Matabeleland and the Midlands from 1982 to the late 1980s. Author Geoff Hill estimates between 10,000 to 30,000 civilians were murdered.[2]
In October 1980 Robert Mugabe, then Prime Minister, signed an agreement with North Korean President Kim Il Sung to have the North Korean military train a brigade for the Zimbabwean army. This was soon after Mugabe had announced the need for a militia to "combat malcontents." However, there was very little civil unrest in Zimbabwe at this time.
Mugabe replied by saying dissidents should "watch out," announcing the brigade would be called "Gukurahundi."
There had been problems after independence in integrating ZIPRA and ZANLA into the National Army. These problems were not only in Matabeleland, but throughout the country. For example, ex-ZANLA elements attacked civilian areas in Mutoko, Mount Darwin and Gutu. It seemed both sides had hidden weapons. In November 1980 Enos Nkala made remarks at a rally in Bulawayo, in which he warned ZAPU that ZANU-PF would deliver a few blows against them. This started the first Entumbane uprising, in which ZIPRA and ZANLA fought a pitched battle for two days.
In February 1981 there was a second uprising, which spread to Glenville and also to Connemara in the Midlands. ZIPRA troops in other parts of Matabeleland headed for Bulawayo to join the battle, and ex-Rhodesian units had to come in to stop the fighting. Over 300 people were killed.
The government asked Justice Enoch Dumbutshena, the former Chief Justice of Zimbabwe, to hold an inquiry into the uprising - to date the findings and report have never been released.
Many ZIPRA cadres defected after Entumbane, mainly because they were afraid of staying in the army, as they felt some of their colleagues were disappearing mysteriously. They were also annoyed because they felt ZANLA cadres were being favoured for promotion. It was these issues rather than any clear political policy, which caused them to leave the army, taking their guns.
This situation became worse after the finding of arms caches in February 1982. ZANU-PF now openly accused ZAPU of plotting another war and ZAPU leaders were arrested or removed from cabinet. However, the treason trial in 1982 involving Dumiso Dabengwa, Lookout Masuku and four others failed to prove a case against them. All were released although Dabengwa and Masuku were redetained without trial for four years. Possibly thousands of ex-ZIPRA cadres deserted the army after this. Most of them now claim that they saw this as necessary to stay alive. With their leaders all locked up or in exile, they felt there was nobody to protect them within the army. "We were threatened, that was why I decided to desert," said one dissident.
The members of the Fifth Brigade were drawn from 3500 ex-ZANLA troops at Tongogara Assembly Point, named after Josiah Tongogara, the general of Zanla, the militant wing of Mugabe's ZANU during the revolutionary war. There were a few ZIPRA (ZAPU) troops in the unit for a start, but they were withdrawn before the end of the training. It seems there were also some foreigners in the unit, possibly Tanzanians. The training of 5 Brigade lasted until September 1982, when Minister 'Sekeramayi' announced training was complete.
The first Commander of Fifth Brigade was 'Colonel Perence Shiri'. Fifth Brigade was different from all other army units, in that it was not integrated into the army. It was answerable only to the Prime Minister, and not to the normal army command structures. Their codes, uniforms, radios and equipment were not compatible with other army units. Their most distinguishing feature in the field was their red berets, although many reports note that on occasions Fifth Brigade soldiers would operate in civilian clothes. Fifth Brigade seemed to be a law unto themselves once in the field. Most of their operations were targeted at defenceless civilians, who Mugabe referred to as supporters of dissidents. In April 1983 Mugabe said, "We eradicate them. We don't differentiate when we fight because we can't tell who is a dissident and who is not."
Within weeks, the Fifth Brigade had murdered more than two thousand civilians, beaten thousands more, and destroyed hundreds of homesteads. Their impact on the communities they passed through was shocking.
Most of the dead were shot in public executions, often after being forced to dig their own graves in front of family and fellow villagers. The largest number of dead in a single killing involved the deliberate shooting of 62 young men and women on the banks of the Cewale River, Lupane, on 5 March 1983. Seven survived with gunshot wounds, the other 55 died. Another way 5 Brigade killed large groups of people was to burn them alive in huts. They did this in Tsholotsho and also in Lupane. They would routinely round up dozens, or even hundreds, of civilians and march them at gun point to a central place, like a school or bore-hole. There they would be forced to sing Shona songs praising ZANU-PF, at the same time being beaten with sticks. These gatherings usually ended with public executions. Those killed could be ex-ZIPRAs, ZAPU officials, or anybody chosen at random.
On December 22, 1987 Mugabe and ZAPU leader Joshua Nkomo signed the Unity Accord. This effectively dissolved ZAPU into ZANU-PF. On 18 April 1988, Mugabe announced an amnesty for all dissidents, and Nkomo called on them to lay down their arms. A general ordinance was issued saying all those who surrendered before 31 May would get a full pardon. This was extended not just to dissidents but to criminals of various types serving jail terms. Over the next few weeks, 122 dissidents surrendered.
In June the amnesty was extended to include all members of the security forces who had committed human rights violations.
The 1980s disturbances were finally at an end. This brought relief nation-wide, but in parts of the country it has left behind many problems that remain unsolved to this day. These include poor health, poverty, practical and legal problems and a deep-rooted suspicion of Government officials.
'NB:' ''Some of the material here is drawn from a report compiled by the Legal Resources Foundation (LRF) and the Catholic Commission for Justice and Peace (CCJP) entitled "Breaking the Silence, Building True Peace. A report on the disturbances in Matabeleland and the Midlands 1980 – 1989".''
Further accounts of the atrocities committed during the Gukurahundi period, are documented in part three of Peter Godwin's novel 'Mukiwa'.
1. Nyarota, Geoffrey. ''Against the Grain''. Page 134.
2. Hill, Geoff. ''The Battle for Zimbabwe: The Final Countdown'', 2003. Pages 76-80.
★ "Breaking the Silence, Building True Peace. A report on the disturbances in Matabeleland and the Midlands 1980 – 1989"
★ Independence: Twenty years on ''Cry Zimbabwe'' tells how Robert Mugabe and his ZANU-PF came to political power after British and Commonwealth supervised elections in 1980.
| Contents |
| 1980 |
| 1982 |
| Fifth Brigade |
| 1983 |
| Unity Accord of 1987 |
| References |
| External links |
1980
In October 1980 Robert Mugabe, then Prime Minister, signed an agreement with North Korean President Kim Il Sung to have the North Korean military train a brigade for the Zimbabwean army. This was soon after Mugabe had announced the need for a militia to "combat malcontents." However, there was very little civil unrest in Zimbabwe at this time.
Mugabe replied by saying dissidents should "watch out," announcing the brigade would be called "Gukurahundi."
There had been problems after independence in integrating ZIPRA and ZANLA into the National Army. These problems were not only in Matabeleland, but throughout the country. For example, ex-ZANLA elements attacked civilian areas in Mutoko, Mount Darwin and Gutu. It seemed both sides had hidden weapons. In November 1980 Enos Nkala made remarks at a rally in Bulawayo, in which he warned ZAPU that ZANU-PF would deliver a few blows against them. This started the first Entumbane uprising, in which ZIPRA and ZANLA fought a pitched battle for two days.
In February 1981 there was a second uprising, which spread to Glenville and also to Connemara in the Midlands. ZIPRA troops in other parts of Matabeleland headed for Bulawayo to join the battle, and ex-Rhodesian units had to come in to stop the fighting. Over 300 people were killed.
The government asked Justice Enoch Dumbutshena, the former Chief Justice of Zimbabwe, to hold an inquiry into the uprising - to date the findings and report have never been released.
Many ZIPRA cadres defected after Entumbane, mainly because they were afraid of staying in the army, as they felt some of their colleagues were disappearing mysteriously. They were also annoyed because they felt ZANLA cadres were being favoured for promotion. It was these issues rather than any clear political policy, which caused them to leave the army, taking their guns.
1982
This situation became worse after the finding of arms caches in February 1982. ZANU-PF now openly accused ZAPU of plotting another war and ZAPU leaders were arrested or removed from cabinet. However, the treason trial in 1982 involving Dumiso Dabengwa, Lookout Masuku and four others failed to prove a case against them. All were released although Dabengwa and Masuku were redetained without trial for four years. Possibly thousands of ex-ZIPRA cadres deserted the army after this. Most of them now claim that they saw this as necessary to stay alive. With their leaders all locked up or in exile, they felt there was nobody to protect them within the army. "We were threatened, that was why I decided to desert," said one dissident.
Fifth Brigade
The members of the Fifth Brigade were drawn from 3500 ex-ZANLA troops at Tongogara Assembly Point, named after Josiah Tongogara, the general of Zanla, the militant wing of Mugabe's ZANU during the revolutionary war. There were a few ZIPRA (ZAPU) troops in the unit for a start, but they were withdrawn before the end of the training. It seems there were also some foreigners in the unit, possibly Tanzanians. The training of 5 Brigade lasted until September 1982, when Minister 'Sekeramayi' announced training was complete.
The first Commander of Fifth Brigade was 'Colonel Perence Shiri'. Fifth Brigade was different from all other army units, in that it was not integrated into the army. It was answerable only to the Prime Minister, and not to the normal army command structures. Their codes, uniforms, radios and equipment were not compatible with other army units. Their most distinguishing feature in the field was their red berets, although many reports note that on occasions Fifth Brigade soldiers would operate in civilian clothes. Fifth Brigade seemed to be a law unto themselves once in the field. Most of their operations were targeted at defenceless civilians, who Mugabe referred to as supporters of dissidents. In April 1983 Mugabe said, "We eradicate them. We don't differentiate when we fight because we can't tell who is a dissident and who is not."
Within weeks, the Fifth Brigade had murdered more than two thousand civilians, beaten thousands more, and destroyed hundreds of homesteads. Their impact on the communities they passed through was shocking.
1983
Most of the dead were shot in public executions, often after being forced to dig their own graves in front of family and fellow villagers. The largest number of dead in a single killing involved the deliberate shooting of 62 young men and women on the banks of the Cewale River, Lupane, on 5 March 1983. Seven survived with gunshot wounds, the other 55 died. Another way 5 Brigade killed large groups of people was to burn them alive in huts. They did this in Tsholotsho and also in Lupane. They would routinely round up dozens, or even hundreds, of civilians and march them at gun point to a central place, like a school or bore-hole. There they would be forced to sing Shona songs praising ZANU-PF, at the same time being beaten with sticks. These gatherings usually ended with public executions. Those killed could be ex-ZIPRAs, ZAPU officials, or anybody chosen at random.
Unity Accord of 1987
On December 22, 1987 Mugabe and ZAPU leader Joshua Nkomo signed the Unity Accord. This effectively dissolved ZAPU into ZANU-PF. On 18 April 1988, Mugabe announced an amnesty for all dissidents, and Nkomo called on them to lay down their arms. A general ordinance was issued saying all those who surrendered before 31 May would get a full pardon. This was extended not just to dissidents but to criminals of various types serving jail terms. Over the next few weeks, 122 dissidents surrendered.
In June the amnesty was extended to include all members of the security forces who had committed human rights violations.
The 1980s disturbances were finally at an end. This brought relief nation-wide, but in parts of the country it has left behind many problems that remain unsolved to this day. These include poor health, poverty, practical and legal problems and a deep-rooted suspicion of Government officials.
'NB:' ''Some of the material here is drawn from a report compiled by the Legal Resources Foundation (LRF) and the Catholic Commission for Justice and Peace (CCJP) entitled "Breaking the Silence, Building True Peace. A report on the disturbances in Matabeleland and the Midlands 1980 – 1989".''
Further accounts of the atrocities committed during the Gukurahundi period, are documented in part three of Peter Godwin's novel 'Mukiwa'.
References
1. Nyarota, Geoffrey. ''Against the Grain''. Page 134.
2. Hill, Geoff. ''The Battle for Zimbabwe: The Final Countdown'', 2003. Pages 76-80.
External links
★ "Breaking the Silence, Building True Peace. A report on the disturbances in Matabeleland and the Midlands 1980 – 1989"
★ Independence: Twenty years on ''Cry Zimbabwe'' tells how Robert Mugabe and his ZANU-PF came to political power after British and Commonwealth supervised elections in 1980.
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