ENGLISH ORTHOGRAPHY
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'English orthography' refers to the method of spelling the English language. English orthography has relatively complicated rules when compared to other orthographic systems written with alphabetic scripts and contains many inconsistencies between spelling and pronunciation, necessitating rote learning for most people learning to read or write English. Intimate knowledge of the rules and idiosyncrasies of English spelling is generally seen as a sign of education and intelligence, spawning competitions known as "spelling bees."
''Note: In the following discussion, only one or two common pronunciations of American and British English varieties are used in this article for each word cited. Other regional pronunciations may be possible for some words, but indicating all possible regional variants in the article is impractical.''
Main articles: Phonetic spelling, Phonemic orthography
Like most alphabetic systems, letters in English orthography may represent a particular sound. For example, the word ''cat'' (pronounced ) consists of three letters ''c'', ''a'', and ''t'', in which ''c'' represents the sound , ''a'' the sound , and ''t'' the sound .
Single letters or multiple sequences of letters may provide this function. Thus, the single letter ''c'' in the word ''cat'' represents the single sound . In the word ''ship'' (pronounced ), the digraph ''sh'' (two letters) represents the sound . In the word ''ditch'', the three letters ''tch'' represent the sound .
Less commonly, a single letter can represent more than one sound. The most common example is the letter ''x'', which often represents more than one sound as in the prefix ''ex-'' where it represents the consonant cluster (for example, in the word ''ex-wife'', pronounced ).
The same letter (or sequence of letters) may indicate different sounds when the letter occurs in different positions. For instance, the digraph ''gh'' represents the sound at the end of single-syllable, single-morpheme words, such as ''cough'' (pronounced in many dialects of American English). At the beginning of syllables (i.e. the syllable onset), the digraph ''gh'' represents the sound , such as in the word ''ghost'' (pronounced or ). Furthermore, the sound value represented by a particular letter (or letters) is often restricted by its position within the word. Thus, the digraph ''gh'' never represents the sound in syllable onsets and never represents the sound in syllable codas. (Incidentally, this shows that ''ghoti'' does not follow English spelling rules to sound like ''fish''.)
Another function of English letters is to provide information about other aspects of pronunciation or the word itself. Rollins (2004) uses the term "markers" for letters with this function. Letters may mark different types of information. One common type of marking is that of a different pronunciation of another letter within the word. An example of this is the letter ''e'' in the word ''cottage'' (pronounced or ). Here ''e'' indicates that the preceding ''g'' should represent the sound . This contrasts with the more common value of ''g'' in word-final position as the sound , such as in ''tag'' (pronounced ).
A particular letter may have more than one pronunciation-marking role. Besides the marking of word-final ''g'' as indicating as in ''cottage'', the letter ''e'' may also mark an altered pronunciation for other vowels. In the pair ''ban'' and ''bane'', the ''a'' of ''ban'' has the value , whereas the ''a'' of ''bane'' is marked by the ''e'' as having the value .
Another types of marking indicates word origin (see: etymology). For example, when representing a vowel, the letter ''y'' in non-word-final positions represents the sound in many words borrowed from Greek, whereas the letter usually representing this sound in non-Greek words is the letter ''i''. Thus, the word ''myth'' (pronounced ) is of Greek origin, while ''pith'' (pronounced ) is a Germanic word.
Letters are also used to distinguish between homophones (words with the same pronunciation) that would otherwise have the same pronunciation and spelling but different meanings. The words ''hour'' and ''our'' are pronounced identically (as or ). However, they are distinguished from each other orthographically by the addition of the letter ''h''. Another example of this is the homophones ''plain'' and ''plane'' where both are pronounced , but are marked with two different orthographic representations of the vowel . Often this is because of the historical pronunciation of each word where, over time, two separate sounds become the same but the different spellings remain: ''plane'' used to be pronounced , but the sound merged with the sound in ''plain'', making ''plain'' and ''plane'' homonyms.
In written language, this may help to resolve potential ambiguities that would arise otherwise (cf. ''He's breaking the car'' vs. ''He's braking the car''). This can be seen in a positive light since with written language, unlike spoken language, the reader usually has no recourse to ask the writer for clarification (whereas in a conversation, the listener can ask the speaker about lexical uncertainties). Some proponents of spelling reform view homophones as undesirable and would prefer that they be eliminated. Doing so, however, would increase orthographic ambiguities that would need to be resolved via the linguistic .
A given letter or (letters) may have dual functions. For example, the letter ''i'' in the word ''cinema'' has a sound-representing function (representing the sound ) and a pronunciation-marking function (marking the ''c'' as having the value opposed to the value ).
Main articles: Silent letter
Other letters have no linguistic function. For example, there is a general "graphotactic" constraint in English orthography against words that end in the letter ''v''. Thus, in order to satisfy this contraint, syllable-final ''v'' is followed by the letter ''e'', such as in the word ''give''. Thus, words like ''rev'' and ''slav'' are extremely rare. Other examples include the silent ''t'' in ''castle'' (pronounced or .
Like many other alphabetic orthographies, English spelling does not represent non-contrastive phonetic sounds (that is, sub-phonemic sounds). The fact that the letter ''t'' is pronounced with aspiration at the beginning of words is never indicated in the spelling, and, indeed, this phonetic detail is probably not salient to the average native speaker not trained in the phonetics. However, unlike some orthographies, English orthography often represents a very abstract underlying representation (or morphophonemic form) of English words (Rollins 2004: 16-19; Chomsky & Halle 1968; Chomsky 1970).
In these cases, a given morpheme (i.e. a component of a word) is represented with a single spelling despite the fact that it is pronounced differently (i.e. has different surface representations) in different environments. An example is the past tense suffix ''-ed'', which may be pronounced variously as , , or (for example, ''dip'' , ''dipped'' , ''boom'' , ''boomed'' , ''loot'' , ''looted'' ). Because these different pronunciations of ''-ed'' can be predicted by a few phonological rules, only a single spelling is needed in the orthography.
Another example involves the vowel differences (with accompanying stress pattern changes) in several related words. For instance, the word ''photographer'' is derived from the word ''photograph'' by adding the derivational suffix ''-er''. When this suffix is added, the vowel pronunciations change:
:
It may be argued that the underlying representation of ''photo'' is a single phonological form, such as ||. Since the (surface) pronunciation of the vowels can be predicted by phonological rules according to the different stress patterns, the orthography only needs to have one spelling that corresponds to the underlying form. Other examples of this type, include words with the ''-ity'' suffix (as in ''agile'' vs ''agility'', ''acid'' vs ''acidity'', ''divine'' vs ''divinity'', ''sane'' vs ''sanity'', etc.). (See also: Trisyllabic laxing.)
Another example includes words like ''sign'' (pronounced ) and ''bomb'' (pronounced or ) where the "silent" letters ''g'' and ''b'', respectively, seem to be "inert" letters with no functional role. However, there are the related words ''signature'' and ''bombard'' in which the so-called "silent" letters are pronounced and or , respectively. Here it may be argued that the underlying representation of ''sign'' and ''bomb'' is || and || or ||, in which the underlying || and || are only pronounced in the surface forms when followed by certain suffixes (''-ature'', -''ard''). Otherwise, the || and || are not realized in the surface pronunciation (e.g. when standing alone, or when followed by suffixes like ''-ing'' or ''-er''). In these cases, the orthography indicates the underlying consonants that are present in certain words but are absent in other related words. Other examples include the ''t'' in ''fast'' / and ''fasten'' / and the ''h'' in ''heir'' / and ''inherit'' .
Another example includes words like ''mean'' (pronounced ) and ''meant'' (pronounced ). Here the vowel spelling ''ea'' is pronounced differently in the two related words. Thus, again the orthography uses only a single spelling that corresponds to the single morphemic form rather than to the surface phonological form.
English orthography does not always provide an underlying representation; sometimes it provides an intermediate representation between the underlying form and the surface pronunciation. This is the case with the spelling of the regular plural morpheme, which is written as either ''-s'' (as in ''tick, ticks'' and ''mite, mites'') or ''-es'' (as in ''box, boxes''). Here the spelling ''-s'' is pronounced either or (depending on the environment, e.g. ''ticks'' and ''pigs'' ) while ''-es'' is pronounced (e.g. ''boxes'' or ). Thus, there are two different spellings that correspond to the single underlying representation || of the plural suffix and the three surface forms. The spelling indicates the insertion of before the in the spelling ''-es'', but does not indicate the devoiced distinctly from the unaffected in the spelling ''-s''.
The abstract representation of words as indicated by the orthography can be considered to be advantageous since the etymological relationships between words are very apparent to English readers. This makes writing English more complex, but arguably makes reading English more efficient (Chomsky 1970:294; Rollins 2004:17).
However, very abstract underlying representations, such as that of Chomsky & Halle (1968) or of underspecification theories, are sometimes considered too abstract to accurately reflect the linguistic knowledge of native speakers. Followers of these arguments believe the less abstract surface forms are more "psychologically real" and thus more useful in terms of pedagogy (Rollins 2004:17-19).
In a generative approach to English spelling, Rollins (2004) identifies twenty main orthographic vowels of stressed syllables that are grouped into four main categories: "Lax", "Tense", "Heavy", "Tense-R". (As this classification is based on orthography, not all orthographic "lax" vowels are necessarily phonologically lax.)
:
:
For instance, the letter ''a'' can represent the lax vowel , tense , heavy or , or tense-r or . Heavy and tense-r vowels are the respective lax and tense counterparts followed by the letter ''r''.
Tense vowels are distinguished from lax vowels with a "silent" ''e'' letter that is added at the end of words. Thus, the letter ''a'' in ''hat'' is lax , but when the letter ''e'' is added in the word ''hate'' the letter ''a'' is tense . Similarly, heavy and tense-r vowels pattern together: the letters ''ar'' in ''car'' are heavy , the letters ''ar'' followed by silent ''e'' in the word ''care'' are . The letter ''u'' represents two different vowel patterns, one being , the other . There is no distinction between heavy and tense-r vowels with the letter ''o'', and the letter ''u'' in the pattern does not have a heavy vowel member.
Besides silent ''e'', another strategy for indicating tense and tense-r vowels, is the addition of another orthographic vowel forming a digraph. In this case, the first vowel is usually the main vowel while the second vowel is the "marking" vowel. For example, the word ''man'' has a lax ''a'' pronounced , but with the addition of ''i'' (as the digraph ''ai'') in the word ''main'' the ''a'' is marked as tense and pronounced . These two strategies produce words that are spelled differently but pronounced identically, as in ''mane'' (silent ''e'' strategy), ''main'' (digraph strategy) and ''Maine'' (both strategies). The use of two different strategies relates to the function of distinguishing between words that would otherwise be homonyms.
Besides the 20 basic vowel spellings, Rollins (2004) has a reduced vowel category (representing the sounds ) and a miscellaneous category (representing the sounds and +V, +V, V+V).
'Notes':
★ The dash has two different meanings. A dash after the letter indicates that it ''must'' be at the beginning of a ''syllable'', eg j- in jumper and ajar. A dash before the letter indicates that it ''cannot'' be at the beginning of a ''word'', eg -ck in sick and ticket.
★ More specific rules take precedence over more general ones, eg 'c- before e, i or y' takes precedence over 'c'.
★ Where the letter combination is described as 'word-final', inflectional suffixes may be added without changing the pronunciation, eg catalogue's'.
★ The dialect used is RP.
★ Isolated foreign borrowings are excluded.
★ This relies highly on knowledge of where the stress in a word is, but English has no consistent way of showing stress.
★
★
★
The following table shows for each sound, the various spelling patterns used to denote it. The symbol "…" stands for an intervening consonant. The letter sequences are in order of frequency with the most common first. Some of these patterns are very rare or unique, such as ''au'' for the sound in ''laugh''. In some cases, the spellings shown are found in only one known English word (such as "mh" for , or "yrrh" for ).
Main articles: English words with diacritics
English includes some words that can be written with accent marks. These words have mostly been imported from other languages, usually French. But it is increasingly rare for writers of English to actually use the accent marks for common words, even in very formal writing. The strongest tendency to retain the accent is in words that are atypical of English morphology and therefore still perceived as slightly foreign. For example, ''café'' and ''paté'' both have a pronounced final ''e'', which would be "silent" by the normal English pronunciation rules.
Some examples: appliqué, attaché, blasé, bric-à -brac, brötchen,[1] café, cliché, crème, crêpe, façade, fiancé(e), flambé, naïve, naïveté, né(e), papier-mâché, passé, piñata, protégé, raison d’être, résumé, risqué, über-, vis-à -vis, voilà .
Some words such as ''rôle'' and ''hôtel'' were first seen with accents when they were borrowed into English, but now the accent is almost never used. The words were considered very French borrowings when first used in English, even accused by some of being foreign phrases used where English alternatives would suffice, but today their French origin is largely forgotten. The accent on "élite" has disappeared from most publications today, though ''Time'' magazine still uses it. For some words such as "soupçon" however, the only spelling found in English dictionaries (the Oxford English Dictionary and others) uses the diacritic.
Italics, with appropriate accents, are generally applied to foreign terms that are uncommonly used in or have not been assimilated into English: for example, ''adiós, coup d’état, crème brûlée, pièce de résistance, raison d’être, über (übermensch), vis-à -vis.''
It was formerly common in English to use a diaeresis mark to indicate a hiatus: for example, coöperate, daïs, reëlect. One publication that still uses a diaeresis for this function is the ''New Yorker'' magazine. However, this is increasingly rare in modern English. Nowadays the diaeresis is normally left out (cooperate), or a hyphen is used (co-operate). It is, however, still common in loanwords such as naïve and noël.
Written accents are also used occasionally in poetry and scripts for dramatic performances to indicate that a certain normally unstressed syllable in a word should be stressed for dramatic effect, or to keep with the metre of the poetry. This use is frequently seen in archaic and pseudoarchaic writings with the "-ed" suffix, to indicate that the "e" should be fully pronounced, as with ''cursèd''.
In certain older texts (typically British), the use of ligatures is common in words such as archæology, diarrhœa, and encyclopædia. Such words have Latin or Greek origin. Nowadays, the ligatures have been generally replaced in British English by the separated letters "ae" and "oe" ("encyclopaedia", "diarrhoea") and in American English by "e" ("encyclopedia", "diarrhea"); however, the spellings "oeconomy" and "oecology" are now generally replaced by "economy" and "ecology" outside the U.S. as well.
For further information on how one can type diacritics and ligatures, see British and American keyboards, keyboard layouts.
The English spelling system, compared to the systems used in other languages, is quite irregular and complex. Although French presents a similar degree of difficulty when ''encoding'' (writing), English is more difficult when ''decoding'' (reading). English has never had any formal regulating authority, like the Spanish Real Academia Española, Italian Accademia della Crusca or the French Académie française, so attempts to regularize or reform the language, including spelling reform, have usually met with failure.
The only significant exceptions were the reforms of Noah Webster which resulted in many of the differences between British and American spelling, such as ''center/centre'', and ''dialog/dialogue''. (Other differences, such as ''-ize/-ise'' in ''realize/realise'' etc, came about separately.)
Besides the quirks the English spelling system has inherited from its past, there are other idiosyncrasies in spelling that make it tricky to learn. English contains 24-27 (depending on dialect) separate consonant phonemes and, depending on dialect, anywhere from fourteen to twenty vowels. However, there are only 26 letters in the modern English alphabet, so there cannot be a one-to-one correspondence between letters and sounds. Many sounds are spelled using different letters or multiple letters, and for those words whose pronunciation is predictable from the spelling, the sounds denoted by the letters depend on the surrounding letters. For example, the digraph "th" represents two different sounds (the voiced interdental fricative and the voiceless interdental fricative) (see Pronunciation of English th), and the voiceless alveolar fricative can be represented by the letters "s" and "c".
Of course, such a philosophy can be taken too far. For instance, there was also a period when the spellings of words was altered in what is now regarded as a misguided attempt to make them conform to what were perceived to be the etymological origins of the words. For example, the letter "b" was added to "debt" in an attempt to link it to the Latin ''debitum'', and the letter "s" in "island" is a misplaced attempt to link it to Latin ''insula'' instead of the Norse word ''igland'', which is the true origin of the English word. The letter "p" in "ptarmigan" has no etymological justification whatsoever. Some are just randomly changed, like 'score' used to be spelled 'skor'.
Furthermore, in most recent loanwords, English makes no attempt to Anglicise the spellings of these words, and preserves the foreign spellings, even when they employ exotic conventions, like the Polish "cz" in "Czech" or the Old Norse "fj" in "fjord" (although New Zealand English exclusively spells it "fiord"). In fact, instead of loans being respelled to conform to English spelling standards, sometimes the pronunciation changes as a result of pressure from the spelling. One example of this is the word "ski", which was adopted from Norwegian in the mid-18th century, although it didn't become common until 1900. It used to be pronounced "shee", which is similar to the Norwegian pronunciation, but the increasing popularity of the sport after the middle of the 20th century helped the "sk" pronunciation replace it.
The spelling of English continues to evolve. Many loanwords come from languages where the pronunciation of vowels corresponds to the way they were pronounced in Old English, which is similar to the Italian or Spanish pronunciation of the vowels, and is the value the vowel symbols [a], [e], [i], [o], and [u] have in the International Phonetic Alphabet. As a result, there is a somewhat regular system of pronouncing "foreign" words in English, and some borrowed words have had their spelling changed to conform to this system. For example, Hindu used to be spelled "Hindoo", and the name "Maria" used to be pronounced like the name "Mariah", but was changed to conform to this system. It has been argued that this influence probably started with the introduction of many Italian words into English during the Renaissance, in fields like music, from which come the words "andante", "viola", "forte", etc.
Commercial advertisers have also had an effect on English spelling. In attempts to differentiate their products from others, they introduce new or simplified spellings like "lite" instead of "light", "thru" instead of "through", "smokey" instead of "smoky" (for "smokey bacon" flavour crisps), and "rucsac" instead of "rucksack". The spellings of personal names have also been a source of spelling innovations: affectionate versions of women's names that sound the same as men's names have been spelled differently: Nikki and Nicky, Toni and Tony, Jo and Joe.
As examples of the idiosyncratic nature of English spelling, the combination "ou" can be pronounced in at least seven different ways: "famous", "journey", "loud", "should", "you", "flour", "tour"; and the vowel sound in "me" can be spelt in at least eleven different ways: "paediatric", "me", "seat", "seem", "ceiling", "people", "chimney", "machine", "siege", "phoenix", "lazy". (These examples assume a more-or-less standard non-regional British English accent. Other accents will vary.)
Sometimes everyday speakers of English change a non-intuitive pronunciation simply because it's non-intuitive. Changes like this aren't usually seen as "standard", but can become standard if used enough. An example is the word "miniscule", which still competes with its original spelling of "minuscule", though this might also be because of analogy with the word "mini".
Main articles: Ough (combination)
The most notorious group of letters in the English language, ''ough'', is commonly pronounced at least ten different ways, six of which are illustrated in the construct, ''Though the tough cough and hiccough plough him through'', which is quoted by Robert A. Heinlein in ''The Door into Summer'' to illustrate the difficulties facing automated speech transcription and reading. ''Ough'' is in fact a word in its own right; it is an exclamation of disgust similar to "ugh".
★ ''though'': // as in ''t'oe''';
★ ''tough'': // as in ''c'uff''';
★ ''cough'': as in '''off''';
★ ''hiccough'' (a now uncommon variant of ''hiccup''): // as in '''up''';
★ ''plough'' (Commonwealth spelling): // as in ''c'ow''';
★ ''through'': // as in ''b'oo'''.
Throughout the history of the English language, these inconsistencies have gradually increased in number. There are a number of contributing factors. First, gradual changes in pronunciation, such as the Great Vowel Shift, account for a tremendous amount of irregularities. Second, relatively recent loan words from other languages generally carry their original spellings, which are often not phonetic in English. The Romanization of languages (e.g., Chinese) using alphabets derived from the Latin alphabet has further complicated this problem, for example when pronouncing Chinese place names. Third, some prescriptivists have had partial success in their attempts to normalize the English language, forcing a change in spelling but not in pronunciation.
The regular spelling system of Old English was swept away by the Norman Conquest, and English itself was eclipsed by French for three centuries, eventually emerging with its spelling much influenced by French. English had also borrowed large numbers of words from French, which for reasons of prestige and familiarity kept their French spellings. The spelling of Middle English, such as in the writings of Geoffrey Chaucer, is very irregular and inconsistent, with the same word being spelled differently, sometimes even in the same sentence. However, these were generally much better guides to pronunciation than modern English spelling can honestly claim.
For example, the sound , normally written ''u'', is spelled with an ''o'' in ''son'', ''love'', ''come'', etc., due to Norman spelling conventions which prohibited writing ''u'' before ''v'', ''m'', ''n'' due to the graphical confusion that would result. (''v'', ''u'', ''n'' were identically written with two minims in Norman handwriting; ''w'' was written as two ''u'' letters; ''m'' was written with three minims, hence ''mm'' looked like ''vun'', ''nvu'', ''uvu'', etc.) Similarly, spelling conventions also prohibited final ''v''. Hence the identical spellings of the three different vowel sounds in ''love'', ''grove'' and ''prove'' are due to ambiguity in the Middle English spelling system, not sound change.
There was also a series of linguistic sound changes towards the end of this period, including the Great Vowel Shift, which resulted in "i" in "mine" changing from a pure vowel to a diphthong. These changes for the most part did not detract from the rule-governed nature of the spelling system; but in some cases they introduced confusing inconsistencies, like the well-known example of the many pronunciations of "ough" (rough, through, though, trough, plough, etc.). Most of these changes happened before the arrival of printing in England. However, the arrival of the printing press merely froze the current system, rather than providing the impetus for a realignment of spelling with pronunciation. Furthermore, it introduced further inconsistencies, partly because of the use of typesetters trained abroad, particularly in the Low Countries.
By the time dictionaries were introduced in the mid 1600s, the spelling system of English started to stabilize, and by the 1800s, most words had set spellings.
It has been shown that regular alphabetic spelling systems make languages easier to learn (e.g., Seymour et al, 2003). Indeed, the concept of learning "spelling" seems very strange to speakers of languages with regular spelling systems such as Finnish or Spanish. This is also the case with several abugida writing systems, such as the Indian Devanagari. Vietnamese used to be written exclusively using Chinese characters, so that becoming literate in Vietnamese required years of study, and as a result, very few people were literate. However, after a modified form of the Latin alphabet was introduced, the writing system could be mastered by a native speaker in very little time — literacy in Vietnamese is much more widespread now. English, it seems, is somewhere in between: its spelling system is irregular, but it is regular to some degree and mastery only requires knowledge of the 26 letters of the alphabet, whereas mastering written Chinese or Japanese Kanji is much more difficult, requiring the memorization of thousands of different characters.
Studies have shown that dyslexia occurs more often (or at least is more noticeable) among speakers of languages such as English whose orthography differs heavily from the phonology than speakers of languages where the letter-sound correspondence is more regular.
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★ Aronoff, Mark. (1978). An English spelling convention. ''Linguistic Inquiry'', ''9'', 299-303.
★ Brengelman, Fred H. (1970). Sounds and letters in American English. In ''The English language: An introduction for teachers'' (pp. 77-98). Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall.
★ Brengelman, Fred H. (1970). Generative phonology and the teaching of spelling. ''English Journal'', ''59'', 1113-1118.
★ Brengelman, Fred H. (1971). English spelling as a marker of register and style. ''English Studies'', ''52'', 201-209.
★ Brengelman, Fred H. (1980). Orthoepists, printers, and the rationalization of English spelling. ''Journal of English and German Philology'', ''79'', 332-354.
★ Carney, Edward. (1994). ''A survey of English spelling''. London: Routledge.
★ Chomsky, Carol. (1970). Reading, writing and phonology. ''Harvard Educational Review'', ''40'' (2), 287-309.
★ Chomsky, Noam; & Halle, Morris. (1968). ''The sound pattern of English''. New York: Harper and Row. (Particularly pp. 46, 48-49, 69, 80n, 131n, 148, 174n, 221).
★ Cummings, D. W. (1988). ''American English spelling: An informal description''. Baltimore: The John Hopkins University Press.
★ Derwing, Bruce; Priestly, Tom; Rochet, Bernard. (1987). The description of spelling-to-sound relationships in English, French and Russian: Progress, problems and prospects. In P. Luelsdorff (Ed.), ''Orthography and phonology''. Amsterdam: John Benjamins.
★ Dixon, Robert. (1977). ''Morphographic spelling program''. Eugene, OR: Engelman-Becker Press.
★ Emerson, Ralph. (1997). English spelling and its relation to sound. ''American Speech'', ''72'' (3), 260-288.
★ Hanna, Paul; Hanna, Jean; Hodges, Richard; & Rudorf, Edwin. (1966). ''Phoneme-grapheme correspondences as cues to spelling improvement''. Washington, D.C.: US Department of Health, Education and Welfare.
★ Jespersen, Otto. (1909). ''A modern English grammar on historical principles: Sounds and spellings'' (Part 1). Heidelberg: C. Winter.
★ Luelsdorff, Philip A. (1994). Developmental morphographemics II. In W. C. Watt (Ed.), ''Writing systems and cognition'' (pp. 141-182). Dordrecht: Kluwer Academic Publishers.
★ McCawley, James D. (1994). Some graphotactic constraints. In W. C. Watt (Ed.), ''Writing systems and cognition'' (pp. 115-127). Dordrecht: Kluwer Academic Publishers.
★ Mencken, H. L. (1936). ''The American language: An inquiry into the development of English in the United States'' (4th ed.). New York: A.A. Knopf.
★ Rollins, Andrew G. (1998). Marking devices in the spelling of English. ''Atlantis'', ''20'' (1), 129-143.
★ Rollins, Andrew G. (1999). Markers in English and other orthographies. In L. Iglesias Rábade & P. Nuñez Pertejo (Eds.), ''Estudios de lingüÃstica contrastiva'' (pp. 441-449). Universidad de Santiago.
★ Rollins, Andrew G. (2003). System and chaos in English spelling: The case of the voiceless palato-alveolar fricative. ''English Language and Linguistics'', ''7'' (2), 211-233.
★ Rollins, Andrew G. (2003). ''The spelling patterns of English''. LINCOM studies in English linguistics (04). Muenchen: LINCOM EUROPA.
★ Sampson, Geoffrey. (1985). ''Writing systems: A linguistic introduction''. London: Hutchinson.
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★ Simpson, J. A.; & Weiner, E. S. C. (Eds.). (1989). ''Oxford English dictionary''. Oxford: Clarendon Press.
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★ Stubbs, Michael. (1980). ''Language and literacy: The sociolinguistics of reading and writing''. London: Routledge & Kegan Paul.
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★ Venezky, Richard L. (1976). Notes on the history of English spelling. ''Visible Language'', ''10'', 351-365.
★ Venezky, Richard L. (1999). ''The American way of spelling''. New York: Guildford Press.
★ Weir, Ruth H. (1967). Some thoughts on spelling. In W. M Austin (Ed.), ''Papers in linguistics in honor of Leon Dostert'' (pp. 169-177). Janua Linguarum, Series Major (No. 25). The Hague: Mouton.
★ Alternative political spellings
★ American and British English spelling differences
★ Apostrophe
★ Basic Roman spelling of English
★ Classical compound
★ Disc or disk (spelling)
★ English language
★ English phonology
★ English plural
★ English spelling reform
★ Ghoti
★ I before e except after c
★ Initial-stress-derived noun
★ International Phonetic Alphabet for English (or the condensed IPA chart for English)
★ Internet spelling
★ List of English homographs
★ List of English words containing a Q not followed by a U
★ List of names in English with non-intuitive pronunciations
★ List of unusual English words
★ Longest word in English
★ Misspelling
★ Saxon genitive
★ Sensational spelling
★ Silent E
★ Silent k
★ Spelling bee
★ Three letter rule
★ Weak form and strong form
★ Teaching Spelling - Information on teaching English spelling
★ Rules for English Spelling: Adding Suffixes, QU Rule, i before e, Silent e, 'er' vs. 'or'
★ White Paper Research based Tutoring of English Spelling
★ Hou tu pranownse Inglish describes rules which predict a word's pronunciation from its spelling with 85% accuracy
★ Free spelling information and Free spelling lessons in QuickTime movie format at The Phonics Page.
Function of symbols
''Note: In the following discussion, only one or two common pronunciations of American and British English varieties are used in this article for each word cited. Other regional pronunciations may be possible for some words, but indicating all possible regional variants in the article is impractical.''
Indicating sound values
Main articles: Phonetic spelling, Phonemic orthography
Like most alphabetic systems, letters in English orthography may represent a particular sound. For example, the word ''cat'' (pronounced ) consists of three letters ''c'', ''a'', and ''t'', in which ''c'' represents the sound , ''a'' the sound , and ''t'' the sound .
Single letters or multiple sequences of letters may provide this function. Thus, the single letter ''c'' in the word ''cat'' represents the single sound . In the word ''ship'' (pronounced ), the digraph ''sh'' (two letters) represents the sound . In the word ''ditch'', the three letters ''tch'' represent the sound .
Less commonly, a single letter can represent more than one sound. The most common example is the letter ''x'', which often represents more than one sound as in the prefix ''ex-'' where it represents the consonant cluster (for example, in the word ''ex-wife'', pronounced ).
The same letter (or sequence of letters) may indicate different sounds when the letter occurs in different positions. For instance, the digraph ''gh'' represents the sound at the end of single-syllable, single-morpheme words, such as ''cough'' (pronounced in many dialects of American English). At the beginning of syllables (i.e. the syllable onset), the digraph ''gh'' represents the sound , such as in the word ''ghost'' (pronounced or ). Furthermore, the sound value represented by a particular letter (or letters) is often restricted by its position within the word. Thus, the digraph ''gh'' never represents the sound in syllable onsets and never represents the sound in syllable codas. (Incidentally, this shows that ''ghoti'' does not follow English spelling rules to sound like ''fish''.)
Marking pronunciation
Another function of English letters is to provide information about other aspects of pronunciation or the word itself. Rollins (2004) uses the term "markers" for letters with this function. Letters may mark different types of information. One common type of marking is that of a different pronunciation of another letter within the word. An example of this is the letter ''e'' in the word ''cottage'' (pronounced or ). Here ''e'' indicates that the preceding ''g'' should represent the sound . This contrasts with the more common value of ''g'' in word-final position as the sound , such as in ''tag'' (pronounced ).
A particular letter may have more than one pronunciation-marking role. Besides the marking of word-final ''g'' as indicating as in ''cottage'', the letter ''e'' may also mark an altered pronunciation for other vowels. In the pair ''ban'' and ''bane'', the ''a'' of ''ban'' has the value , whereas the ''a'' of ''bane'' is marked by the ''e'' as having the value .
Marking word-origin
Another types of marking indicates word origin (see: etymology). For example, when representing a vowel, the letter ''y'' in non-word-final positions represents the sound in many words borrowed from Greek, whereas the letter usually representing this sound in non-Greek words is the letter ''i''. Thus, the word ''myth'' (pronounced ) is of Greek origin, while ''pith'' (pronounced ) is a Germanic word.
Homophone differentiation
Letters are also used to distinguish between homophones (words with the same pronunciation) that would otherwise have the same pronunciation and spelling but different meanings. The words ''hour'' and ''our'' are pronounced identically (as or ). However, they are distinguished from each other orthographically by the addition of the letter ''h''. Another example of this is the homophones ''plain'' and ''plane'' where both are pronounced , but are marked with two different orthographic representations of the vowel . Often this is because of the historical pronunciation of each word where, over time, two separate sounds become the same but the different spellings remain: ''plane'' used to be pronounced , but the sound merged with the sound in ''plain'', making ''plain'' and ''plane'' homonyms.
In written language, this may help to resolve potential ambiguities that would arise otherwise (cf. ''He's breaking the car'' vs. ''He's braking the car''). This can be seen in a positive light since with written language, unlike spoken language, the reader usually has no recourse to ask the writer for clarification (whereas in a conversation, the listener can ask the speaker about lexical uncertainties). Some proponents of spelling reform view homophones as undesirable and would prefer that they be eliminated. Doing so, however, would increase orthographic ambiguities that would need to be resolved via the linguistic .
Multiple functionality
A given letter or (letters) may have dual functions. For example, the letter ''i'' in the word ''cinema'' has a sound-representing function (representing the sound ) and a pronunciation-marking function (marking the ''c'' as having the value opposed to the value ).
Functionless letters
Main articles: Silent letter
Other letters have no linguistic function. For example, there is a general "graphotactic" constraint in English orthography against words that end in the letter ''v''. Thus, in order to satisfy this contraint, syllable-final ''v'' is followed by the letter ''e'', such as in the word ''give''. Thus, words like ''rev'' and ''slav'' are extremely rare. Other examples include the silent ''t'' in ''castle'' (pronounced or .
Underlying representation
Like many other alphabetic orthographies, English spelling does not represent non-contrastive phonetic sounds (that is, sub-phonemic sounds). The fact that the letter ''t'' is pronounced with aspiration at the beginning of words is never indicated in the spelling, and, indeed, this phonetic detail is probably not salient to the average native speaker not trained in the phonetics. However, unlike some orthographies, English orthography often represents a very abstract underlying representation (or morphophonemic form) of English words (Rollins 2004: 16-19; Chomsky & Halle 1968; Chomsky 1970).
"[T]he postulated underlying forms are systematically related to the conventional orthography...and are, as is well known, related to the underlying forms of a much earlier historical stage of the language. There has, in other words, been little change in lexical representation since Middle English, and, consequently, we would expect...that lexical representation would differ very little from dialect to dialect in Modern English...[and] that conventional orthography is probably fairly close to optimal for all modern English dialects, as well as for the attested dialects of the past several hundred years." (Chomsky & Halle 1968:54)
In these cases, a given morpheme (i.e. a component of a word) is represented with a single spelling despite the fact that it is pronounced differently (i.e. has different surface representations) in different environments. An example is the past tense suffix ''-ed'', which may be pronounced variously as , , or (for example, ''dip'' , ''dipped'' , ''boom'' , ''boomed'' , ''loot'' , ''looted'' ). Because these different pronunciations of ''-ed'' can be predicted by a few phonological rules, only a single spelling is needed in the orthography.
Another example involves the vowel differences (with accompanying stress pattern changes) in several related words. For instance, the word ''photographer'' is derived from the word ''photograph'' by adding the derivational suffix ''-er''. When this suffix is added, the vowel pronunciations change:
:
| Spelling | Pronunciation |
|---|---|
| ''photograph'' | or |
| ''photographer'' | or |
It may be argued that the underlying representation of ''photo'' is a single phonological form, such as ||. Since the (surface) pronunciation of the vowels can be predicted by phonological rules according to the different stress patterns, the orthography only needs to have one spelling that corresponds to the underlying form. Other examples of this type, include words with the ''-ity'' suffix (as in ''agile'' vs ''agility'', ''acid'' vs ''acidity'', ''divine'' vs ''divinity'', ''sane'' vs ''sanity'', etc.). (See also: Trisyllabic laxing.)
Another example includes words like ''sign'' (pronounced ) and ''bomb'' (pronounced or ) where the "silent" letters ''g'' and ''b'', respectively, seem to be "inert" letters with no functional role. However, there are the related words ''signature'' and ''bombard'' in which the so-called "silent" letters are pronounced and or , respectively. Here it may be argued that the underlying representation of ''sign'' and ''bomb'' is || and || or ||, in which the underlying || and || are only pronounced in the surface forms when followed by certain suffixes (''-ature'', -''ard''). Otherwise, the || and || are not realized in the surface pronunciation (e.g. when standing alone, or when followed by suffixes like ''-ing'' or ''-er''). In these cases, the orthography indicates the underlying consonants that are present in certain words but are absent in other related words. Other examples include the ''t'' in ''fast'' / and ''fasten'' / and the ''h'' in ''heir'' / and ''inherit'' .
Another example includes words like ''mean'' (pronounced ) and ''meant'' (pronounced ). Here the vowel spelling ''ea'' is pronounced differently in the two related words. Thus, again the orthography uses only a single spelling that corresponds to the single morphemic form rather than to the surface phonological form.
English orthography does not always provide an underlying representation; sometimes it provides an intermediate representation between the underlying form and the surface pronunciation. This is the case with the spelling of the regular plural morpheme, which is written as either ''-s'' (as in ''tick, ticks'' and ''mite, mites'') or ''-es'' (as in ''box, boxes''). Here the spelling ''-s'' is pronounced either or (depending on the environment, e.g. ''ticks'' and ''pigs'' ) while ''-es'' is pronounced (e.g. ''boxes'' or ). Thus, there are two different spellings that correspond to the single underlying representation || of the plural suffix and the three surface forms. The spelling indicates the insertion of before the in the spelling ''-es'', but does not indicate the devoiced distinctly from the unaffected in the spelling ''-s''.
The abstract representation of words as indicated by the orthography can be considered to be advantageous since the etymological relationships between words are very apparent to English readers. This makes writing English more complex, but arguably makes reading English more efficient (Chomsky 1970:294; Rollins 2004:17).
However, very abstract underlying representations, such as that of Chomsky & Halle (1968) or of underspecification theories, are sometimes considered too abstract to accurately reflect the linguistic knowledge of native speakers. Followers of these arguments believe the less abstract surface forms are more "psychologically real" and thus more useful in terms of pedagogy (Rollins 2004:17-19).
Spelling patterns
Spelling to sound correspondences
Vowels
In a generative approach to English spelling, Rollins (2004) identifies twenty main orthographic vowels of stressed syllables that are grouped into four main categories: "Lax", "Tense", "Heavy", "Tense-R". (As this classification is based on orthography, not all orthographic "lax" vowels are necessarily phonologically lax.)
:
| Letter | Lax | Tense | Heavy | Tense-R |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| a | ''man'' | ''mane'' | ''mar'' | ''mare'' |
| e | ''met'' | ''mete'' | ''her'' | ''here'' |
| i | ''win'' | ''wine'' | ''fir'' | ''fire'' |
| o | ''mop'' | ''mope'' | ''for, fore'' | |
| u | ''hug'' | ''huge'' | ''cur'' | ''cure'' |
| u | ''push'' | ''rude'' | -- | ''sure'' |
:
| Letter | Lax | Tense | Heavy | Tense-R |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| a | ''man'' | ''mane'' | ''mar'' | ''mare'' |
| e | ''met'' | ''mete'' | ''her'' | ''here'' |
| i | ''win'' | ''wine'' | ''fir'' | ''fire'' |
| o | ''mop'' | ''mope'' | ''for, fore'' | |
| u | ''hug'' | ''huge'' | ''cur'' | ''cure'' |
| u | ''push'' | ''rude'' | -- | ''sure'' |
For instance, the letter ''a'' can represent the lax vowel , tense , heavy or , or tense-r or . Heavy and tense-r vowels are the respective lax and tense counterparts followed by the letter ''r''.
Tense vowels are distinguished from lax vowels with a "silent" ''e'' letter that is added at the end of words. Thus, the letter ''a'' in ''hat'' is lax , but when the letter ''e'' is added in the word ''hate'' the letter ''a'' is tense . Similarly, heavy and tense-r vowels pattern together: the letters ''ar'' in ''car'' are heavy , the letters ''ar'' followed by silent ''e'' in the word ''care'' are . The letter ''u'' represents two different vowel patterns, one being , the other . There is no distinction between heavy and tense-r vowels with the letter ''o'', and the letter ''u'' in the pattern does not have a heavy vowel member.
Besides silent ''e'', another strategy for indicating tense and tense-r vowels, is the addition of another orthographic vowel forming a digraph. In this case, the first vowel is usually the main vowel while the second vowel is the "marking" vowel. For example, the word ''man'' has a lax ''a'' pronounced , but with the addition of ''i'' (as the digraph ''ai'') in the word ''main'' the ''a'' is marked as tense and pronounced . These two strategies produce words that are spelled differently but pronounced identically, as in ''mane'' (silent ''e'' strategy), ''main'' (digraph strategy) and ''Maine'' (both strategies). The use of two different strategies relates to the function of distinguishing between words that would otherwise be homonyms.
Besides the 20 basic vowel spellings, Rollins (2004) has a reduced vowel category (representing the sounds ) and a miscellaneous category (representing the sounds and +V, +V, V+V).
Consonants
'Notes':
★ The dash has two different meanings. A dash after the letter indicates that it ''must'' be at the beginning of a ''syllable'', eg j- in jumper and ajar. A dash before the letter indicates that it ''cannot'' be at the beginning of a ''word'', eg -ck in sick and ticket.
★ More specific rules take precedence over more general ones, eg 'c- before e, i or y' takes precedence over 'c'.
★ Where the letter combination is described as 'word-final', inflectional suffixes may be added without changing the pronunciation, eg catalogue's'.
★ The dialect used is RP.
★ Isolated foreign borrowings are excluded.
★ This relies highly on knowledge of where the stress in a word is, but English has no consistent way of showing stress.
| Spelling | Major value (IPA) | Examples of major value | Minor value (IPA) | Examples of minor value | Exceptions |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| b, -bb | 'b'it, ra'bb'it | ||||
| c before e, i or y | 'c'entre, 'c'ity, 'c'yst, fa'c'e, prin'c'e | 'c'ello | |||
| c | 'c'at, 'c'ross | ||||
| -cc before e or i | a'cc'ept | ||||
| -cc | a'cc'ount | ||||
| ch | 'ch'in | | 'ch'ord, ar'ch'aic ma'ch'ine, para'ch'ute, 'ch'ef | ||
| -ck | ta'ck', ti'ck'et | ||||
| ct- | 'ct'enoid | ||||
| d, -dd | 'd'ive, la'dd'er | gra'd'uate, gra'd'ual | |||
| -dg | le'dg'er | ||||
| f, -ff | 'f'ine, o'ff' | o'f' | |||
| g before e, i or y | 'g'entle, ma'g'ic, 'g'yrate, pa'g'e, colle'g'e | 'g'et, 'g'ive, 'g'irl, be'g'in | |||
| g, -gg | 'g'o, 'g'reat, sta'gg'er | ||||
| gh- | 'gh'ost, 'gh'astly | ||||
| -gh | ∅ | dou'gh', hi'gh' | lau'gh', enou'gh' | ||
| -ght | ri'ght', dau'ght'er, bou'ght' | ||||
| gn- | 'gn'ome, 'gn'aw | ||||
| h- after ex | ∅ | ex'h'ibit, ex'h'aust | ex'h'ale | ||
| h- | 'h'e, alco'h'ol | ∅ ve'h'icle | |||
| j- | 'j'ump, a'j'ar | ||||
| k | 'k'ey, ba'k'e | ||||
| kn- | 'kn'ee, 'kn'ock | ||||
| l, -ll | 'l'ine, ha'll' | ||||
| m, -mm | 'm'ine, ha'mm'er | ||||
| -mb | cli'mb', plu'mb'er | ||||
| mn- | 'mn'emonic | ||||
| -mn | hy'mn', autu'mn' | ||||
| -n before k | li'n'k, plo'n'k | ||||
| n, -nn | 'n'ice, fu'nn'y | ||||
| -ng | lo'ng', si'ng'i'ng' | | E'ng'land, fi'ng'er, stro'ng'er da'ng'er, passe'ng'er | ||
| p, -pp | 'p'ill, ha'pp'y | ||||
| ph | 'ph'ysical, 'ph'otogra'ph' | ||||
| pn- | 'pn'eumonia, 'pn'eumatic | ||||
| ps- | 'ps'ychology, 'ps'ychic | ||||
| pt- | 'pt'omaine | ||||
| q | Ira'q' | ||||
| r, -rr | 'r'ay, pa'rr'ot | ∅ iron | |||
| rh, -rrh | 'rh'yme, dia'rrh'oea | ||||
| -s- between vowels | ro's'e, pri's'on | hou's'e, ba's'e | |||
| word-final -s morpheme after a voiceless sound | pet's', shop's' | ||||
| word-final -s morpheme after a voiced sound | bed's', magazine's' | ||||
| s, -ss | 's'ong, a's'k, me'ss'age | sci'ss'ors, de'ss'ert, di'ss'olve | 's'ugar, ti'ss'ue | ||
| sc- before e, i or y | 'sc'ene, 'sc'issors, 'sc'ythe | 'sc'eptic | |||
| sch- | 'sch'ool | 'sch'ist, 'sch'edule (this may be pronounced as ) | 'sch'ism | ||
| sh | 'sh'in | ||||
| t, -tt | 't'en, bi'tt'er | ||||
| -tch | ba'tch', ki'tch'en | ||||
| th | or | 'th'in, 'th'em | 'th'yme, 'Th'ames | ||
| v, -vv | 'v'ine, bo'vv'er | ||||
| w- | 'w'e | ||||
| wh- before o | 'wh'o, 'wh'ole | ||||
| wh- | ( in dialects where this phoneme exists) | 'wh'eel | |||
| wr- | 'wr'ong | ||||
| x- | 'x'ylophone | ||||
| -xc before e or i | e'xc'ellent, e'xc'ited | ||||
| -xc | e'xc'use | ||||
| -x | bo'x' | ||||
| y- | 'y'es | ||||
| z, -zz | 'z'oo, fu'zz' |
Combinations of consonant and vowel letters
| Spelling | Major value (IPA) | Examples of major value | Minor value (IPA) | Examples of minor value | Exceptions |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| qu- | 'qu'een, 'qu'ick | li'qu'or, mos'qu'ito | |||
| -cqu | a'cqu'aint, a'cqu'ire | ||||
| gu- before e or i | 'gu'est, 'gu'ide | lin'gu'istics | |||
| alf | (RP) (GA) | c'alf', h'alf' | |||
| alm | c'alm', 'alm'ond | salmon | |||
| olm | RP, GA | h'olm' (oak) | |||
| alk | w'alk', ch'alk' | ||||
| olk | y'olk', f'olk' | ||||
| al, all | b'al'd, c'all', f'al'con | shall | |||
| ol, oll | 'ol'd, r'oll' | ||||
| unstressed ex- before a vowel or h | 'ex'ist, 'ex'amine, 'ex'haust | 'ex'hale | |||
| unstressed ci- before a vowel | spe'ci'al, gra'ci'ous | spe'ci'es | |||
| unstressed sci- before a vowel | con'sci'ence | ||||
| unstressed -si before a vowel | expan'si'on | divi'si'on, illu'si'on | |||
| unstressed -ssi before a vowel | mi'ssi'on | ||||
| unstressed -ti before a vowel | na'ti'on, ambi'ti'ous | equa'ti'on | pa'ti'o, ca'ti'on | ||
| unstressed -ture | na'ture', pic'ture' | ||||
| unstressed -sure | lei'sure', trea'sure' | ||||
| unstressed -zure | sei'zure' | ||||
| unstressed -ften | so'ften', o'ften' | ||||
| unstressed -sten | li'sten', fa'sten' | ||||
| unstressed -stle | whi'stle', ru'stle' | ||||
| word-final -le after a consonant | litt'le', tab'le' | ||||
| word-final -re after a consonant | met're', fib're' | ||||
| word-final -ngue | to'ngue' | ||||
| word-final -gue | catalo'gue', pla'gue', collea'gue' | ar'gue' | |||
| word-final -que | mos'que', bis'que' | ris'qué' | barbe'que' | ||
| word-final -ed morpheme after /t/ or /d/ ★ | wait'ed' | ||||
| word-final -ed morpheme after a voiceless sound ★ | topp'ed' | ||||
| word-final -ed morpheme after a voiced sound ★ | fail'ed', order'ed' | ||||
| word-final -es morpheme ★ ★ | wash'es', box'es' |
★
★
★
Sound to spelling correspondences
The following table shows for each sound, the various spelling patterns used to denote it. The symbol "…" stands for an intervening consonant. The letter sequences are in order of frequency with the most common first. Some of these patterns are very rare or unique, such as ''au'' for the sound in ''laugh''. In some cases, the spellings shown are found in only one known English word (such as "mh" for , or "yrrh" for ).
| Consonants | ||
|---|---|---|
| IPA | spelling | example |
| p, pp, ph, pe, gh | 'p'ill, ha'pp'y, 'Ph'uket, ta'pe', hiccou'gh' | |
| b, bb, bh, p (in some dialects) | 'b'it, ra'bb'it, 'Bh'utan, thes'p'ian | |
| t, tt, ed, pt, th, ct | 't'en, bi'tt'er, topp'ed', 'pt'erodactyl, 'th'yme, 'ct'enoid | |
| d, dd, ed, dh, th (in some dialects) | 'd'ive, la'dd'er, fail'ed', 'dh'arma, 'th'em | |
| g, gg, gue, gh | 'g'o, sta'gg'er, catalo'gue', 'gh'ost | |
| c, k, ck, ch, cc, qu, q, cq, cu, que, kk, kh | 'c'at, 'k'ey, ta'ck', 'ch'ord, a'cc'ount, li'qu'or, Ira'q', a'cq'uaint, bis'cu'it, mos'que', tre'kk'er, 'kh'an | |
| m, mm, mb, mn, mh, gm, chm | 'm'ine, ha'mm'er, cli'mb', hy'mn', 'mh'o, diaphra'gm', dra'chm' | |
| n, nn, kn, gn, pn, nh, cn, mn, ng (in some dialects) | 'n'ice, fu'nn'y, 'kn'ee, 'gn'ome, 'pn'eumonia, pira'nh'a, 'cn'idarian, 'mn'emonic, fighti'ng' | |
| ng, n, ngue, ngh | si'ng', li'n'k, to'ngue', Si'ngh' | |
| r, rr, wr, rh, rrh | 'r'ay, pa'rr'ot, 'wr'ong, 'rh'yme, dia'rrh'(o)ea | |
| f, ph, ff, gh, pph, u, th (in some dialects) | 'f'ine, 'ph'ysical, o'ff', lau'gh', sa'pph'ire, lie'u'tenant (Br), 'th'in | |
| v, vv, f | 'v'ine, sa'vv'y, o'f' | |
| th, chth, phth, tth | 'th'in, 'chth'onic, 'phth'isis, Ma'tth'ew | |
| th, the | 'th'em, brea'the' | |
| s, c, ss, sc, st, ps, sch (in some dialects), cc, se, ce, z (in some dialects) | 's'ong, 'c'ity, me'ss', 'sc'ene, li'st'en, 'ps'ychology, 'sch'ism, fla'cc'id, hor'se', jui'ce', citi'z'en | |
| s, z, x, zz, ss, ze, c (in some dialects) | ha's', 'z'oo, 'x'ylophone, fu'zz', sci'ss'ors, bree'ze', electri'c'ity | |
| sh, ti, ci, ssi, si, ss, ch, s, sci, ce, sch, sc | 'sh'in, na'ti'on, spe'ci'al, mi'ssi'on, expan'si'on, ti'ss'ue, ma'ch'ine, 's'ugar, con'sci'ence, o'ce'an, 'sch'mooze, cre'sc'endo | |
| si, s, g, z, j, zh, ti, sh (in some dialects) | divi'si'on, lei's'ure, 'g'enre, sei'z'ure, 'j'eté, 'Zh'ytomyr, equa'ti'on, Per'sh'ing | |
| ch, t, tch, ti, c, cz, tsch | 'ch'in, na't'ure, ba'tch', bas'ti'on, 'c'ello, 'Cz'ech, Deu'tsch'mark | |
| g, j, dg, dge, d, di, gi, ge, dj, gg | ma'g'ic, 'j'ump, le'dg'er, bri'dge', gra'd'uate, sol'di'er, Bel'gi'an, dun'ge'on, 'Dj'ibouti, exa'gg'erate | |
| h, wh, j, ch | 'h'e, 'wh'o, fa'j'ita, 'ch'utzpah | |
| y, i, j, ll | 'y'es, on'i'on, hallelu'j'ah, torti'll'a | |
| l, ll, lh | 'l'ine, ha'll', 'Lh'asa | |
| w, u, o, ou, wh (in most dialects) | 'w'e, q'u'een, ch'o'ir, 'Ou'ija board, 'wh'at | |
| wh (in some dialects) | 'wh'eel | |
| Vowels | ||
| IPA | spelling | example |
| e, ea, ee, e…e, ae, ei, i…e, ie, eo, oe, ie...e, ay, ey, i, y, oi, ue | b'e', b'ea'ch, b'ee', c'e'd'e', C'ae'sar, dec'ei't, mach'i'n'e', f'ie'ld, p'eo'ple, am'oe'ba, hyg'ie'n'e', qu'ay', k'ey', sk'i', cit'y', cham'oi's, Portug'ue'se | |
| i, y, ui, e, ee, ie, o, u, a, ei, ee, ia, ea, i...e, ai, ey, oe | b'i't, m'y'th, b'ui'ld, pr'e'tty, b'ee'n, s'ie've, w'o'men, b'u'sy, dam'a'ge, counterf'ei't, sover'ei'gn, carr'ia'ge, mil'ea'ge, medic'i'n'e', barg'ai'n, C'ey'lon, 'oe'dema | |
| oo, u, o, u…e, ou, ew, ue, o…e, ui, eu, oe, ough, wo, ioux, ieu, ault, oup, w | t'oo'l, l'u'minous, wh'o', fl'u't'e', s'ou'p, j'ew'el, tr'ue', l'o's'e', fr'ui't, man'eu'ver, can'oe', thr'ough', t'wo', S'ioux', l'ieu'tenant (US), S'ault' Sainte Marie, c'oup', c'w'm | |
| oo, u, o, oo...e, or, ou, oul | l'oo'k, f'u'll, w'o'lf, g'oo's'e'berry, w'or'sted, c'ou'rier, sh'oul'd | |
| a, a…e, ay, ai, ai...e, aig, aigh, ao, au, e (é), e...e, ea, ei, ei...e, eig, eigh, ee (ée), eh, et, ey, ez, er, ie, ae, eg | p'a'per, r'a't'e', p'ay', r'ai'n, coc'ai'n'e', arr'aig'n, str'aigh't, g'ao'l (Br), g'au'ge, ukul'e'le (caf'é'), cr'e'p'e', st'ea'k, v'ei'l, b'ei'g'e', r'eig'n, 'eigh't, matin'ee' (soir'ée'), 'eh', ball'et', ob'ey', ch'ez', dossi'er', linger'ie' (US), regg'ae', th'eg'n | |
| a, e, o, u, ai, ou, eig, y, ah, ough, gh, ae, oi | 'a'nother, anth'e'm, awes'o'me, atri'u'm, mount'ai'n, call'ou's, for'eig'n, ber'y'l, Messi'ah', bor'ough' (Br), Edinbur'gh', Mich'ae'l, porp'oi'se | |
| o, o…e, oa, ow, ou, oe, oo, eau, oh, ew, au, aoh, ough, eo | s'o', b'o'n'e', b'oa't, kn'ow', s'ou'l, f'oe', br'oo'ch, b'eau', 'oh', s'ew', m'au've, phar'aoh', furl'ough', y'eo'man | |
| e, ea, a, ae, ai, ay, ea…e, ei, eo, ie, ieu, u, ue, oe | m'e't, w'ea'ther, m'a'ny, 'ae'sthetic, s'ai'd, s'ay's, cl'ea'ns'e', h'ei'fer, j'eo'pardy, fr'ie'nd, l'ieu'tenant (Br), b'u'ry, g'ue'ss, f'oe'tid | |
| a, ai, al, au, i | h'a'nd, pl'ai'd, s'al'mon, l'au'gh, mer'i'ngue | |
| u, o, o…e, oe, ou, oo, wo | s'u'n, s'o'n, c'o'm'e', d'oe's, t'ou'ch, fl'oo'd, t'wo'pennce | |
| a, au, aw, ough, augh, o, oa, oo, al, uo, u | f'a'll, 'au'thor, j'aw', b'ough't, c'augh't, c'o'rd, br'oa'd, d'oo'r, w'al'k, fl'uo'rine (Br), s'u're (some accents) | |
| o, a, eau, ach, au, ou | l'o'ck, w'a'tch, bur'eau'cracy, y'ach't, s'au'sage, c'ou'gh | |
| i…e, i, y, igh, ie, ei, eigh, uy, ai, ey, ye, eye, y…e, ae, ais, is, ig, ic, ay, ui | f'i'n'e', Chr'i'st, tr'y', h'igh', t'ie', 'ei'dos, h'eigh't, b'uy', 'ai'sle, g'ey'ser, d'ye', 'eye', t'y'p'e', m'ae'stro, 'ais'le, 'is'le, s'ig'n, ind'ic't, t'ay'ra, g'ui'de | |
| ar, a, er, ear, a…e, ua, aa, au, ou | c'ar', f'a'ther, s'er'geant, h'ear't, 'a'r'e', g'ua'rd, baz'aa'r, 'au'nt, 'ou'r (some accents) | |
| er, ar, ere, are, aire, eir, air, aa, aer, ayr, ear | station'er'y, station'ar'y, wh'ere', w'are', million'aire', h'eir', h'air', 'Aa'ron, 'aer'ial, 'Ayr', b'ear' | |
| oi, oy, aw, uoy oy…e, eu | f'oi'l, t'oy', l'aw'yer, b'uoy', garg'oy'l'e', Fr'eu'dian | |
| ou, ow, ough, au, ao | 'ou't, n'ow', b'ough', t'au', L'ao's | |
| er, or, ur, ir, yr, our, ear, err, eur, yrrh, ar, oeu, olo, uer | f'er'n, w'or'st, t'ur'n, th'ir'st, m'yr'tle, j'our'ney, 'ear'th, 'err', amat'eur', m'yrrh', gramm'ar', hors d''oeu'vre, c'olo'nel, G'uer'nsey | |
| u, u…e, eu, ue, iew, eau, ieu, ueue, ui, ewe, ew | m'u'sic ★ , 'u's'e', f'eu'd, c'ue', v'iew', b'eau'tiful ★ , ad'ieu' ★ , q'ueue', n'ui'sance ★ , 'ewe', f'ew', ★ in some dialects, see Yod dropping | |
Diacritics
Main articles: English words with diacritics
English includes some words that can be written with accent marks. These words have mostly been imported from other languages, usually French. But it is increasingly rare for writers of English to actually use the accent marks for common words, even in very formal writing. The strongest tendency to retain the accent is in words that are atypical of English morphology and therefore still perceived as slightly foreign. For example, ''café'' and ''paté'' both have a pronounced final ''e'', which would be "silent" by the normal English pronunciation rules.
Some examples: appliqué, attaché, blasé, bric-à -brac, brötchen,[1] café, cliché, crème, crêpe, façade, fiancé(e), flambé, naïve, naïveté, né(e), papier-mâché, passé, piñata, protégé, raison d’être, résumé, risqué, über-, vis-à -vis, voilà .
Some words such as ''rôle'' and ''hôtel'' were first seen with accents when they were borrowed into English, but now the accent is almost never used. The words were considered very French borrowings when first used in English, even accused by some of being foreign phrases used where English alternatives would suffice, but today their French origin is largely forgotten. The accent on "élite" has disappeared from most publications today, though ''Time'' magazine still uses it. For some words such as "soupçon" however, the only spelling found in English dictionaries (the Oxford English Dictionary and others) uses the diacritic.
Italics, with appropriate accents, are generally applied to foreign terms that are uncommonly used in or have not been assimilated into English: for example, ''adiós, coup d’état, crème brûlée, pièce de résistance, raison d’être, über (übermensch), vis-à -vis.''
It was formerly common in English to use a diaeresis mark to indicate a hiatus: for example, coöperate, daïs, reëlect. One publication that still uses a diaeresis for this function is the ''New Yorker'' magazine. However, this is increasingly rare in modern English. Nowadays the diaeresis is normally left out (cooperate), or a hyphen is used (co-operate). It is, however, still common in loanwords such as naïve and noël.
Written accents are also used occasionally in poetry and scripts for dramatic performances to indicate that a certain normally unstressed syllable in a word should be stressed for dramatic effect, or to keep with the metre of the poetry. This use is frequently seen in archaic and pseudoarchaic writings with the "-ed" suffix, to indicate that the "e" should be fully pronounced, as with ''cursèd''.
In certain older texts (typically British), the use of ligatures is common in words such as archæology, diarrhœa, and encyclopædia. Such words have Latin or Greek origin. Nowadays, the ligatures have been generally replaced in British English by the separated letters "ae" and "oe" ("encyclopaedia", "diarrhoea") and in American English by "e" ("encyclopedia", "diarrhea"); however, the spellings "oeconomy" and "oecology" are now generally replaced by "economy" and "ecology" outside the U.S. as well.
For further information on how one can type diacritics and ligatures, see British and American keyboards, keyboard layouts.
Irregularities
The English spelling system, compared to the systems used in other languages, is quite irregular and complex. Although French presents a similar degree of difficulty when ''encoding'' (writing), English is more difficult when ''decoding'' (reading). English has never had any formal regulating authority, like the Spanish Real Academia Española, Italian Accademia della Crusca or the French Académie française, so attempts to regularize or reform the language, including spelling reform, have usually met with failure.
The only significant exceptions were the reforms of Noah Webster which resulted in many of the differences between British and American spelling, such as ''center/centre'', and ''dialog/dialogue''. (Other differences, such as ''-ize/-ise'' in ''realize/realise'' etc, came about separately.)
Besides the quirks the English spelling system has inherited from its past, there are other idiosyncrasies in spelling that make it tricky to learn. English contains 24-27 (depending on dialect) separate consonant phonemes and, depending on dialect, anywhere from fourteen to twenty vowels. However, there are only 26 letters in the modern English alphabet, so there cannot be a one-to-one correspondence between letters and sounds. Many sounds are spelled using different letters or multiple letters, and for those words whose pronunciation is predictable from the spelling, the sounds denoted by the letters depend on the surrounding letters. For example, the digraph "th" represents two different sounds (the voiced interdental fricative and the voiceless interdental fricative) (see Pronunciation of English th), and the voiceless alveolar fricative can be represented by the letters "s" and "c".
Of course, such a philosophy can be taken too far. For instance, there was also a period when the spellings of words was altered in what is now regarded as a misguided attempt to make them conform to what were perceived to be the etymological origins of the words. For example, the letter "b" was added to "debt" in an attempt to link it to the Latin ''debitum'', and the letter "s" in "island" is a misplaced attempt to link it to Latin ''insula'' instead of the Norse word ''igland'', which is the true origin of the English word. The letter "p" in "ptarmigan" has no etymological justification whatsoever. Some are just randomly changed, like 'score' used to be spelled 'skor'.
Furthermore, in most recent loanwords, English makes no attempt to Anglicise the spellings of these words, and preserves the foreign spellings, even when they employ exotic conventions, like the Polish "cz" in "Czech" or the Old Norse "fj" in "fjord" (although New Zealand English exclusively spells it "fiord"). In fact, instead of loans being respelled to conform to English spelling standards, sometimes the pronunciation changes as a result of pressure from the spelling. One example of this is the word "ski", which was adopted from Norwegian in the mid-18th century, although it didn't become common until 1900. It used to be pronounced "shee", which is similar to the Norwegian pronunciation, but the increasing popularity of the sport after the middle of the 20th century helped the "sk" pronunciation replace it.
The spelling of English continues to evolve. Many loanwords come from languages where the pronunciation of vowels corresponds to the way they were pronounced in Old English, which is similar to the Italian or Spanish pronunciation of the vowels, and is the value the vowel symbols [a], [e], [i], [o], and [u] have in the International Phonetic Alphabet. As a result, there is a somewhat regular system of pronouncing "foreign" words in English, and some borrowed words have had their spelling changed to conform to this system. For example, Hindu used to be spelled "Hindoo", and the name "Maria" used to be pronounced like the name "Mariah", but was changed to conform to this system. It has been argued that this influence probably started with the introduction of many Italian words into English during the Renaissance, in fields like music, from which come the words "andante", "viola", "forte", etc.
Commercial advertisers have also had an effect on English spelling. In attempts to differentiate their products from others, they introduce new or simplified spellings like "lite" instead of "light", "thru" instead of "through", "smokey" instead of "smoky" (for "smokey bacon" flavour crisps), and "rucsac" instead of "rucksack". The spellings of personal names have also been a source of spelling innovations: affectionate versions of women's names that sound the same as men's names have been spelled differently: Nikki and Nicky, Toni and Tony, Jo and Joe.
As examples of the idiosyncratic nature of English spelling, the combination "ou" can be pronounced in at least seven different ways: "famous", "journey", "loud", "should", "you", "flour", "tour"; and the vowel sound in "me" can be spelt in at least eleven different ways: "paediatric", "me", "seat", "seem", "ceiling", "people", "chimney", "machine", "siege", "phoenix", "lazy". (These examples assume a more-or-less standard non-regional British English accent. Other accents will vary.)
Sometimes everyday speakers of English change a non-intuitive pronunciation simply because it's non-intuitive. Changes like this aren't usually seen as "standard", but can become standard if used enough. An example is the word "miniscule", which still competes with its original spelling of "minuscule", though this might also be because of analogy with the word "mini".
"Ough" words
Main articles: Ough (combination)
The most notorious group of letters in the English language, ''ough'', is commonly pronounced at least ten different ways, six of which are illustrated in the construct, ''Though the tough cough and hiccough plough him through'', which is quoted by Robert A. Heinlein in ''The Door into Summer'' to illustrate the difficulties facing automated speech transcription and reading. ''Ough'' is in fact a word in its own right; it is an exclamation of disgust similar to "ugh".
★ ''though'': // as in ''t'oe''';
★ ''tough'': // as in ''c'uff''';
★ ''cough'': as in '''off''';
★ ''hiccough'' (a now uncommon variant of ''hiccup''): // as in '''up''';
★ ''plough'' (Commonwealth spelling): // as in ''c'ow''';
★ ''through'': // as in ''b'oo'''.
History of the English spelling system
Throughout the history of the English language, these inconsistencies have gradually increased in number. There are a number of contributing factors. First, gradual changes in pronunciation, such as the Great Vowel Shift, account for a tremendous amount of irregularities. Second, relatively recent loan words from other languages generally carry their original spellings, which are often not phonetic in English. The Romanization of languages (e.g., Chinese) using alphabets derived from the Latin alphabet has further complicated this problem, for example when pronouncing Chinese place names. Third, some prescriptivists have had partial success in their attempts to normalize the English language, forcing a change in spelling but not in pronunciation.
The regular spelling system of Old English was swept away by the Norman Conquest, and English itself was eclipsed by French for three centuries, eventually emerging with its spelling much influenced by French. English had also borrowed large numbers of words from French, which for reasons of prestige and familiarity kept their French spellings. The spelling of Middle English, such as in the writings of Geoffrey Chaucer, is very irregular and inconsistent, with the same word being spelled differently, sometimes even in the same sentence. However, these were generally much better guides to pronunciation than modern English spelling can honestly claim.
For example, the sound , normally written ''u'', is spelled with an ''o'' in ''son'', ''love'', ''come'', etc., due to Norman spelling conventions which prohibited writing ''u'' before ''v'', ''m'', ''n'' due to the graphical confusion that would result. (''v'', ''u'', ''n'' were identically written with two minims in Norman handwriting; ''w'' was written as two ''u'' letters; ''m'' was written with three minims, hence ''mm'' looked like ''vun'', ''nvu'', ''uvu'', etc.) Similarly, spelling conventions also prohibited final ''v''. Hence the identical spellings of the three different vowel sounds in ''love'', ''grove'' and ''prove'' are due to ambiguity in the Middle English spelling system, not sound change.
There was also a series of linguistic sound changes towards the end of this period, including the Great Vowel Shift, which resulted in "i" in "mine" changing from a pure vowel to a diphthong. These changes for the most part did not detract from the rule-governed nature of the spelling system; but in some cases they introduced confusing inconsistencies, like the well-known example of the many pronunciations of "ough" (rough, through, though, trough, plough, etc.). Most of these changes happened before the arrival of printing in England. However, the arrival of the printing press merely froze the current system, rather than providing the impetus for a realignment of spelling with pronunciation. Furthermore, it introduced further inconsistencies, partly because of the use of typesetters trained abroad, particularly in the Low Countries.
By the time dictionaries were introduced in the mid 1600s, the spelling system of English started to stabilize, and by the 1800s, most words had set spellings.
The state of English spelling
It has been shown that regular alphabetic spelling systems make languages easier to learn (e.g., Seymour et al, 2003). Indeed, the concept of learning "spelling" seems very strange to speakers of languages with regular spelling systems such as Finnish or Spanish. This is also the case with several abugida writing systems, such as the Indian Devanagari. Vietnamese used to be written exclusively using Chinese characters, so that becoming literate in Vietnamese required years of study, and as a result, very few people were literate. However, after a modified form of the Latin alphabet was introduced, the writing system could be mastered by a native speaker in very little time — literacy in Vietnamese is much more widespread now. English, it seems, is somewhere in between: its spelling system is irregular, but it is regular to some degree and mastery only requires knowledge of the 26 letters of the alphabet, whereas mastering written Chinese or Japanese Kanji is much more difficult, requiring the memorization of thousands of different characters.
Studies have shown that dyslexia occurs more often (or at least is more noticeable) among speakers of languages such as English whose orthography differs heavily from the phonology than speakers of languages where the letter-sound correspondence is more regular.
Bibliography
★ Albrow, K. H. (1972). ''The English writing system: Notes towards a description''. Schools Council Program in Linguistics and English Teaching, papers series 2 (No. 2). London: Longmans, for the Schools Council.
★ Aronoff, Mark. (1978). An English spelling convention. ''Linguistic Inquiry'', ''9'', 299-303.
★ Brengelman, Fred H. (1970). Sounds and letters in American English. In ''The English language: An introduction for teachers'' (pp. 77-98). Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall.
★ Brengelman, Fred H. (1970). Generative phonology and the teaching of spelling. ''English Journal'', ''59'', 1113-1118.
★ Brengelman, Fred H. (1971). English spelling as a marker of register and style. ''English Studies'', ''52'', 201-209.
★ Brengelman, Fred H. (1980). Orthoepists, printers, and the rationalization of English spelling. ''Journal of English and German Philology'', ''79'', 332-354.
★ Carney, Edward. (1994). ''A survey of English spelling''. London: Routledge.
★ Chomsky, Carol. (1970). Reading, writing and phonology. ''Harvard Educational Review'', ''40'' (2), 287-309.
★ Chomsky, Noam; & Halle, Morris. (1968). ''The sound pattern of English''. New York: Harper and Row. (Particularly pp. 46, 48-49, 69, 80n, 131n, 148, 174n, 221).
★ Cummings, D. W. (1988). ''American English spelling: An informal description''. Baltimore: The John Hopkins University Press.
★ Derwing, Bruce; Priestly, Tom; Rochet, Bernard. (1987). The description of spelling-to-sound relationships in English, French and Russian: Progress, problems and prospects. In P. Luelsdorff (Ed.), ''Orthography and phonology''. Amsterdam: John Benjamins.
★ Dixon, Robert. (1977). ''Morphographic spelling program''. Eugene, OR: Engelman-Becker Press.
★ Emerson, Ralph. (1997). English spelling and its relation to sound. ''American Speech'', ''72'' (3), 260-288.
★ Hanna, Paul; Hanna, Jean; Hodges, Richard; & Rudorf, Edwin. (1966). ''Phoneme-grapheme correspondences as cues to spelling improvement''. Washington, D.C.: US Department of Health, Education and Welfare.
★ Jespersen, Otto. (1909). ''A modern English grammar on historical principles: Sounds and spellings'' (Part 1). Heidelberg: C. Winter.
★ Luelsdorff, Philip A. (1994). Developmental morphographemics II. In W. C. Watt (Ed.), ''Writing systems and cognition'' (pp. 141-182). Dordrecht: Kluwer Academic Publishers.
★ McCawley, James D. (1994). Some graphotactic constraints. In W. C. Watt (Ed.), ''Writing systems and cognition'' (pp. 115-127). Dordrecht: Kluwer Academic Publishers.
★ Mencken, H. L. (1936). ''The American language: An inquiry into the development of English in the United States'' (4th ed.). New York: A.A. Knopf.
★ Rollins, Andrew G. (1998). Marking devices in the spelling of English. ''Atlantis'', ''20'' (1), 129-143.
★ Rollins, Andrew G. (1999). Markers in English and other orthographies. In L. Iglesias Rábade & P. Nuñez Pertejo (Eds.), ''Estudios de lingüÃstica contrastiva'' (pp. 441-449). Universidad de Santiago.
★ Rollins, Andrew G. (2003). System and chaos in English spelling: The case of the voiceless palato-alveolar fricative. ''English Language and Linguistics'', ''7'' (2), 211-233.
★ Rollins, Andrew G. (2003). ''The spelling patterns of English''. LINCOM studies in English linguistics (04). Muenchen: LINCOM EUROPA.
★ Sampson, Geoffrey. (1985). ''Writing systems: A linguistic introduction''. London: Hutchinson.
★ Seymour, P. H. K.; Aro, M.; & Erskine, J. M. (2003). Foundation literacy acquisition in European orthographies. ''British Journal of Psychology'', ''94'' (2), 143-174.
★ Simpson, J. A.; & Weiner, E. S. C. (Eds.). (1989). ''Oxford English dictionary''. Oxford: Clarendon Press.
★ Steinberg, Danny. (1973). Phonology, reading and Chomsky and Halle's optimal orthography. ''Journal of Psycholinguistic Research'', ''2'' (3), 239-258.
★ Stubbs, Michael. (1980). ''Language and literacy: The sociolinguistics of reading and writing''. London: Routledge & Kegan Paul.
★ Venezky, Richard L. (1967). English orthography: Its graphical structure and its relation to sound. ''Reading Research Quarterly'', ''2'', 75-105.
★ Venezky, Richard L. (1970). ''The structure of English orthography''. The Hague: Mouton.
★ Venezky, Richard L. (1976). Notes on the history of English spelling. ''Visible Language'', ''10'', 351-365.
★ Venezky, Richard L. (1999). ''The American way of spelling''. New York: Guildford Press.
★ Weir, Ruth H. (1967). Some thoughts on spelling. In W. M Austin (Ed.), ''Papers in linguistics in honor of Leon Dostert'' (pp. 169-177). Janua Linguarum, Series Major (No. 25). The Hague: Mouton.
See also
★ Alternative political spellings
★ American and British English spelling differences
★ Apostrophe
★ Basic Roman spelling of English
★ Classical compound
★ Disc or disk (spelling)
★ English language
★ English phonology
★ English plural
★ English spelling reform
★ Ghoti
★ I before e except after c
★ Initial-stress-derived noun
★ International Phonetic Alphabet for English (or the condensed IPA chart for English)
★ Internet spelling
★ List of English homographs
★ List of English words containing a Q not followed by a U
★ List of names in English with non-intuitive pronunciations
★ List of unusual English words
★ Longest word in English
★ Misspelling
★ Saxon genitive
★ Sensational spelling
★ Silent E
★ Silent k
★ Spelling bee
★ Three letter rule
★ Weak form and strong form
External links
★ Teaching Spelling - Information on teaching English spelling
★ Rules for English Spelling: Adding Suffixes, QU Rule, i before e, Silent e, 'er' vs. 'or'
★ White Paper Research based Tutoring of English Spelling
★ Hou tu pranownse Inglish describes rules which predict a word's pronunciation from its spelling with 85% accuracy
★ Free spelling information and Free spelling lessons in QuickTime movie format at The Phonics Page.
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