:''For the political ideology that favours Quebec remaining within the Canadian federation rather than pursuing independence, see
Quebec federalist ideology.''
'Canadian federalism'
[1] is one of the three pillars of the constitutional order, along with
responsible government and the
Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms. It means that
Canada, a
dominion founded in 1867, has two distinct levels of political authority: the central
Canadian Parliament and ten
provincial legislative assemblies. Each level is sovereign with respect to certain areas of legislative authority, while a few subjects are shared (agriculture and immigration). The
United Kingdom did not follow this model when
Confederation was realized, making Canada different from its mother country in this respect.
The
federal nature of Canadian constitution was a reaction to the colonial diversities in the
Maritimes and the
Province of Canada, in particular the strong distinction between the
French-speaking inhabitants of
Lower Canada (Québec) and the
English-speaking inhabitants of
Upper Canada (Ontario). Federalism was considered essential to the co-existence of the French and English communities.
John A. Macdonald, who became the first
Prime Minister of Canada, had at first opposed a federalist system of government.
The division of powers between the federal and provincial governments was initially outlined in the British North America Act, 1867 (now the
Constitution Act, 1867), which, with
amendments (in the
British North America Acts and the
Constitution Act, 1982), form the
Constitution of Canada.
Distribution of Legislative Powers in the Constitution Act, 1867
The federal-provincial ''Distribution of Legislative Powers'' (also known as the ''division of powers'') defines the scope of the power of the federal Parliament of Canada and the powers of each individual provincial legislature or assembly. These are contained in sections 91, 92, 92A, 93, 94, 94A and 95 of the Constitution Act, 1867. Much of the distribution, however, has been ambiguous, leading to disputes that have been decided by the
Judicial Committee of the Privy Council and, after 1949, the
Supreme Court of Canada.
Unlike the
United States Constitution (which reserves unenumerated powers to the states), the Canadian constitution has created an overarching federal jurisdiction based upon the power known as
peace, order and good government (in section 91). On the other hand, the Canadian constitution also created a very broad provincial jurisdiction over property and civil rights. Many disputes between the two levels of government revolve around conflicting interpretations of the meaning of these two powers.
A quick perusal of these powers shows that while the federal government has exclusive jurisdiction over
criminal law (defined in the
Margarine Reference) and procedure (section 91(27)) the provinces have jurisdiction over the administration of justice, including criminal matters (section 92(14)) and penal matters (section 92(15)) regarding any laws made within provincial jurisdiction. Thus Canada has a single Criminal Code but many provincial laws that can result in incarceration or penalty. The courts have recognized that the provinces and the federal government have the right to create corporations; only the federal government has the right to incorporate banks, though provinces may incorporate credit unions which offer similar services as the federally chartered banks.
In relation to
marriage and
divorce, the federal government's exclusive authority over these subjects (section 91(26)) has given Canada a single
family law, yet the provinces can pass laws regulating the solemnization of marriage (section 92(12)) and wide variety of subjects pertaining to civil and political rights (section 92(13)) and have created institutions such as
common-law marriage and
civil union.
Nowhere in the division of powers of the Constitution Act, 1867 is there a mention of a treaty power, reserved to the
British Empire. Power for external relations was granted to Canada only after the passage of the
Statute of Westminster in 1931. The domestic implementation of treaties, however, remains divided between the two levels of government.
Trade and commerce
Main articles: Trade and Commerce
Section 91(2) gives Parliament the power to make law related to the "regulation of trade and commerce." In comparison with the
U.S. Constitution's approach to
trade and
commerce, the power given to Parliament is more broadly worded than that given to the U.S. government, but in Canada since ''
Citizen's Insurance Co. v. Parsons'' in the 1880s it has nevertheless been typically read more narrowly, as some judges have felt that it overlaps with the provincial authority over property and civil rights. Parliament's authority over trade and commerce is said to include its "general" aspects, although this was an ambiguous definition until the 1980s when in ''
General Motors of Canada Ltd. v. City National Leasing'' it was ruled Parliament could regulate trade and commerce if its object was to achieve something a provincial government alone could not achieve.
Property and civil rights
Main articles: Property and civil rights
Section 92(13) gives the provinces the exclusive power to make law related to "
property and civil rights in the province". In practice, this power has been read broadly giving the provinces authority over numerous matters such as professional trades,
labour relations, family law and consumer protection. Property and civil rights is a term that predates the Constitution Act, 1867, and does not mean what it means today. It primarily refers to interactions between private persons. This would include the great majority of what any government would regulate, which means Parliament would be powerless if it were not for its enumerated powers in section 91 and for peace, order and good government.
Transportation and communication
Main articles: Works and Undertakings
Like many other powers,
transportation and
communication have overlapping powers between the two jurisdictions. Section 92(10) gives the provinces power over "local work and undertakings". However, the section also excludes the provinces from undertakings related to "
ships,
railways,
canals,
telegraphs, and other works and undertakings connecting the province with any other or others of the provinces", as well as ship lines, and such works "declared by the Parliament of Canada to be for the general advantage of Canada or for the advantage of two or more provinces."
Federalism and the Charter
In 1982 the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms was brought into effect. This was not meant to affect the workings of federalism, though some content was moved from section 91 to
section 4 of the Charter. Mainly, the Charter is meant to decrease powers of both levels of government by ensuring both federal and provincial laws respect Charter rights, under
section 32. The relationship between federalism and the Charter is directly dealt with in
section 31, in which it is made clear neither the federal nor provincial governments gain powers under the Charter.
In ''
R. v. Big M Drug Mart Ltd.'' (1985) it was found that if laws violate Charter rights, they cannot be justified under
section 1 of the Charter if their purpose was inconsistent with the proper division of powers.
History
The relationship between Canada and the provinces has changed throughout time, with an increasing amount of decentralization taking place as years passed. Throughout the Macdonald era (1867-1873, 1878-1891), the Confederation was such that it has been described by political scientist
Rand Dyck as "Quasi-Federalism". This meant that the political and judicial elites of the 19th century read the Constitution of Canada in a way that gave the federal Parliament extensive powers that essentially made the provinces "subordinate to
Ottawa." The Macdonald government's use of
disallowance and reservation also reinforced the supremacy of the federal government at that time.
With the election of Sir
Wilfrid Laurier came a new phase of Confederation that Dyck refers to as "Classical Federalism". This was marked by a more equal relationship between the federal government and the provinces, as the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council settled several disputes in favour of the latter. The federal government also allowed its disallowance and reservation powers to fall into disuse. This style of governance continued throughout the early years of the leadership of Prime Minister
William Lyon Mackenzie King (although legislation from
Alberta was disallowed in the
1930s).
During the two
world wars, Ottawa expanded its powers greatly. This was done through the
War Measures Act and constitutionally justified by the peace, order and good government clause. During the
First World War, Parliament increased its taxation powers by establishing
income taxes. Finally, during the Second World War, the federal government convinced the provinces to transfer jurisdiction over unemployment insurance to Ottawa.
Canada emerged from the
Second World War with more association or cooperation between federal and provincial levels of government. This owed to the rise of the
welfare state and the
health care system (as the Canadian government acted to ensure that Canadians as a people had some common quality of service), to the fact that many of the jurisdictions of the two levels of government were closely related, and to the fact that this allowed the federal government to retain a great deal of control that they had enjoyed during World War II.
Keynesian economics were also introduced by the federal government through this system. The period was also marked by a number of First Ministers meetings (ie., meetings between the prime minister and the provincial premiers).
After 1960 and Québec's
Quiet Revolution, Canada moved toward a greater degree of administrative decentralization, with
Quebec often opting out of important federal initiatives, such as the Canada Pension Plan (Québec created its own pension plan). As the federal government became more centralist in ideology (under the leadership of Prime Minister
Pierre Trudeau, Canada entered a stage of "conflictual federalism" that could be said to have lasted from 1970 to 1984. The
National Energy Program sparked a great deal of bitterness against the federal government in Alberta; indeed, the federal government was also involved in disputes over
oil with
Newfoundland and
Saskatchewan at this time. (These culminated in the addition of section 92A to the Constitution Act, 1867, by the
Constitution Act, 1982; the new section gave the provinces more power with regard to these resources).
[2]
The
Progressive Conservative Party of Canada under
Joe Clark and
Brian Mulroney favoured devolution of powers to the provinces, culminating in the failed
Meech Lake and
Charlottetown accords. After a merger with the heavily devolutionist
Canadian Alliance, the new
Conservative Party of Canada under
Stephen Harper has continued the same stance.
After the
1995 Quebec referendum on sovereignty, Prime Minister
Jean Chrétien became interested in repairing Canadian federalism by establishing a "social union." In 1999, the federal government and all provincial governments except Quebec's agreed to the
Social Union Framework Agreement, which promoted common standards for social programs across Canada.
[3] Former Prime Minister
Paul Martin has used the term ''
asymmetrical federalism'' to describe this arrangement.
References
Notes
1. The term is used in book titles such as ''Canadian Federalism: Performance, Effectiveness, and Legitimacy'', eds. Herman Bakvis and Grace Skogstad, Don Mills, Ontario: Oxford University Press, 2002.
2. Dyck, pp. 416-420.
3. Alain Noel, "The Three Social Unions," tr. Geoffrey Hale, ''Policy Options'' 19:9, November 1998, pp. 26-29.
Books
★ Rand Dyck, ''Canadian Politics: Critical Approaches''. Third ed. Scarborough, Ontario: Nelson Thomson Learning, 2000
★ P.W. Hogg, ''Constitutional Law of Canada'' (2001)
External links
★
Interuniversity journal '''Federalism-e'''
★
Canadian Federalism
★
Studies on the Canadian Constitution and Canadian Federalism
★
Maple Leaf Web: Atlantic Canada and Canadian Federalism