'Robert James Lee (Bob) Hawke',
AC (born
9 December 1929) is a former
Australian
trade union leader turned
politician who became the 23rd
Prime Minister of Australia.
After a decade as president of the
Australian Council of Trade Unions, he entered politics at the
1980 elections and became Prime Minister within three years. He became by far the longest-serving and most electorally successful
Labor Prime Minister, achieving the rare feat of winning four consecutive federal elections, and he is Australia's third longest-serving Prime Minister.
Early life and education
Hawke was born in
Bordertown, a small town in
South Australia near the Victorian border. His father was a
Congregationalist minister; his uncle,
Albert Hawke, was Labor
Premier of Western Australia between 1953 and 1959 and was a close friend of Labor Prime Minister
John Curtin, who was in many ways Bob Hawke's
role model. Hawke's mother, Ellie, had an almost messianic belief in her son's destiny and this contributed to his supreme self-confidence throughout his career. Both his parents were of English extraction. Hawke abandoned his Christian beliefs as a young man and by the time he entered politics he was a self-described agnostic.
[1]
Hawke was raised in
Perth and attended
Perth Modern School and completed undergraduate degrees in Law and Arts (Economics) at the
University of Western Australia. He joined the Labor Party in 1947, was selected as a
Rhodes Scholar in 1953 and went to
Oxford University to complete a Bachelor of Letters at
University College with a thesis on wage-fixing in Australia.
His academic achievements were possibly outweighed by the notoriety he achieved as the holder of a world record for the fastest consumption of beer: a yard glass (approximately 3 imperial pints or 1.7 litres) in eleven seconds
[2] [3]
. In his memoirs, Hawke suggested that this single feat may have contributed to his political success more than any other, by endearing him to a voting population with a strong beer culture.
Trade union leader
Part of Hawke's work at the ACTU was the presentation of its annual case for higher wages to the national wages tribunal, the
Conciliation and Arbitration Commission. He attained such success and prominence in this role that in 1969 he was encouraged to run for ACTU President, despite the fact that he had never held elected office in a trade union.
He was elected to the presidency of the ACTU in 1969 on a modernising platform, by a narrow margin (399 to 350) and with the support of the left of the union movement, including some associated with the
Communist Party.
Hawke declared publicly that "
socialist is not a word I would use to describe myself" and his approach to government was
pragmatic. He concerned himself with making improvements to workers' lives from within the traditional institutions of government, rather than to any ideological theory. He opposed the
Vietnam war, but was a strong supporter of the US-Australian alliance, and also an emotional supporter of
Israel. It was his commitment to the cause of Jewish
Refuseniks that led to a planned assassination attempt by the
Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine, and its Australian operative
Munif Mohammed Abou Rish.
[2]
In industrial matters, Hawke continued to demonstrate a preference for and considerable skill at negotiation, and was generally liked and respected by employers as well as the unions he advocated for. As early as
1972 speculation began that he would soon enter Parliament and become Labor leader. But while his career continued successfully, his heavy use of alcohol and his notorious womanising placed considerable strains on his family life.
In 1973 Hawke became Federal President of the Labor Party. When the
Gough Whitlam government was controversially
dismissed by the Governor General in 1975 and the government defeated at the ensuing election, Whitlam initially offered the Labor leadership to Hawke, although it was not within Whitlam's power to decide who would succeed him. Hawke decided not to enter Parliament at that time, a decision he soon regretted. He was, however, influential in averting national strike action. The strain of this period took its toll, and in 1979 he suffered a physical collapse.
This shock led Hawke to make a sustained and ultimately successful effort to conquer his
alcoholism —
John Curtin was his inspiration in this as in other things. He was helped in this by his relationship with the writer
Blanche d'Alpuget, who in 1982 published an admiring biography of Hawke. His popularity with the public was unaffected, and polling suggested that he was a far more popular politician than either
Bill Hayden, the Labor leader since 1977, or the incumbent
Liberal Prime Minister
Malcolm Fraser. Indeed Hawke had been the most popular man in Australia for nearly ten years by the time he entered Parliament.
Hawke was elected to the
House of Representatives for the
Melbourne seat of
Wills at the 1980 election, and was immediately elected to the Opposition front bench. Hayden's failure to defeat Fraser at that election gave Hawke his opportunity. He enlisted the support of the powerful
New South Wales right-wing Labor "machine" to undermine Hayden, whom he famously described as "a lying cunt with a limited future."
[4] In July 1982 Hawke made his first challenge for the Labor leadership, losing by four votes.
By the end of 1982, however, it was obvious that Fraser was planning an early election, and Labor MPs began to fear that with Hayden as leader they would lose. On
3 February 1983, on the same day that Fraser called an election for
5 March, Hayden was persuaded to resign and Hawke became Labor leader unopposed. He went on to win
the 1983 election in a landslide, becoming Prime Minister less than thirty days after assuming leadership of his party and barely three years after entering Parliament.
Prime Minister 1983-91

Bob Hawke with first wife (1956-95)
Hazel Hawke (nee Masterson) during his premiership
The inaugural days of the Hawke government were distinctly different from those of the Whitlam era. Rather than immediately initiating extensive reform programmes, Hawke announced that Fraser's pre-election concealment of the budget deficit meant that many of Labor's election commitments would have to be deferred. Hawke managed to persuade the Labor caucus to divide the ministry into two tiers, with only the most important Ministers attending regular cabinet meetings. This was to avoid what Hawke viewed as the unwieldy nature of the 27-member Whitlam cabinet. The caucus under Hawke also exhibited a much more formalised system of parliamentary
factions, which significantly altered the dynamics of caucus operations.
Hawke used his great authority to carry out a substantial set of policy changes. Accounts from ministers indicate that while Hawke was not usually the driving force for economic reform (that impetus coming from the Treasurer
Paul Keating and Industry Minister
John Button), he took the role of reaching consensus and providing political guidance on what was electorally feasible and how best to sell it to the public, at which he was highly successful.
Keating and Hawke provided a study in contrasts. Hawke was a Rhodes Scholar; Keating left high school early. Hawke's enthusiasms were cigars, horse racing and all forms of sport; Keating preferred
classical architecture,
Mahler symphonies, and collecting antique Swiss cuckoo clocks. Hawke was consensus-driven; Keating revelled in aggressive debate. Hawke was a lapsed Protestant; Keating was a practising Catholic. Despite their differences, the two formed an effective political partnership.
Among other things, the Hawke Government floated the
Australian dollar, deregulated the financial system, dismantled the tariff system, privatised state sector industries, ended subsidisation of loss-making industries, and sold off the state-owned
Commonwealth Bank of Australia. The tax system was reformed, with the introduction of fringe benefits tax and a capital gains tax — a reform strongly opposed by the Liberal Party at the time, but not reversed when they returned to office.
Hawke benefitted greatly from the disarray into which the Liberal opposition fell after the resignation of Fraser. The Liberals were divided between supporters of the dour, economically and socially conservative
John Howard and the urbane
Andrew Peacock. The arch-conservative
Premier of Queensland, Sir
Joh Bjelke-Petersen, also helped Hawke with his "
Joh for Canberra" campaign in 1987, which proved highly damaging for the conservatives. Exploiting these divisions, Hawke led the Labor Party to comfortable election victories in 1984 and 1987.
Hawke's Prime Ministership saw considerable friction between himself and the grassroots of the Labor Party, who were unhappy at what they viewed as Hawke's iconoclasm and willingness to co-operate with business interests. All Labor Prime Ministers have at times engendered the hostility of the organisational wing of the party, but none more so than Hawke, who expressed his willingness to cull Labor's "sacred cows". The
Socialist Left faction, as well as prominent Labor figure
Barry Jones, offered severe criticism of a number of government decisions. He has also received criticism for largely siding with the airlines in the
1989 Australian pilots' strike.
On social policy, the Hawke government saw gradual reforms. The Whitlam government's universal health insurance system (Medibank), which had been dismantled by Fraser, was restored under a new name, Medicare. A notable success for which the government's response is given considerable credit was Australia's public health campaign about
AIDS. In the latter years of the Hawke government, Aboriginal affairs saw considerable attention, with an investigation of the idea of a treaty between Aborigines and the government, though this idea was overtaken by events, notably including the
Mabo court decision.
The Hawke government also made some notable environmental decisions. In its first months in office it stopped the construction of the
Franklin Dam, on the
Franklin River in
Tasmania, responding to a groundswell of protest about the issue. In 1990, a looming tight election saw a tough political operator,
Graham Richardson, appointed Environment Minister, whose task it was to attract second-preference votes from the
Australian Democrats and other environmental parties. Richardson claimed this as a major factor in the government's narrow re-election in 1990, Hawke's last triumph.
Decline and fall
The
late 1980s recession and high interest rates saw the government in considerable electoral trouble. Although Keating was the main architect of the government's economic policies, he took advantage of Hawke's declining popularity to plan a leadership challenge. In 1988 Hawke had responded to pressure from Keating to step down by making a secret agreement (the so-called "
Kirribilli agreement" or "Kirribilli accord") to resign in favour of Keating some time after winning the 1990 elections. After Keating made a speech to the
Federal Parliamentary Press Gallery that Hawke considered disloyal, Hawke indicated to Keating that he would renege on the agreement.
In June 1991 Keating responded by resigning from Cabinet and challenging for the Labor Party leadership. Hawke defeated Keating's leadership challenge, but he was clearly a wounded leader. Hawke had himself sworn in as Treasurer for one day while he decided between the rival claims of
Ralph Willis and
John Kerin for the job, eventually choosing Kerin, who proved to be unequal to the job.
Hawke's demise came when the new Liberal leader, Dr
John Hewson, released a proposal for sweeping economic change, including a
goods and services tax and deep cuts to government spending and personal income tax, in November 1991. At the time, Australia was the second lowest taxing country in the OECD. Neither Hawke nor his new Treasurer,
John Kerin, could mount an effective response to this challenge, and a rattled Labor Party turned to Keating. At a second challenge, on
20 December 1991, Keating defeated Hawke in a party-room ballot, 56 votes to 51. Hawke resigned from Parliament shortly after, apparently with few regrets, although his bitterness towards Keating surfaced in his memoirs.
Hawke occupies a curious place in the mythology of the Australian labour movement. Although he remains Australia's most successful Labor leader, by 2004, when Howard won his fourth election, the Hawke years had come to seem like a vanished golden age to Labor voters. On the other hand the Socialist Left blamed Hawke for betraying Labor policies and traditions for the sake of easy populist success, and of laying the foundations for Howard's conservative agenda.
Life after politics
After politics, Hawke entered the business world with considerable success.
Hazel Hawke, who for the sake of the Labor cause had put up with the open secret of his relationship with his biographer
Blanche d'Alpuget while he was Prime Minister, divorced him, and shortly afterwards he married d'Alpuget. He had little to do with the Labor Party during Keating's leadership, however he often provided public criticism of the Keating Government.
[5] He was also reported to have said that then-Liberal leader
Alexander Downer would win the next election (a claim he later said was taken out of context). After the election of the
Howard Liberal government in 1996 he became a close supporter of Opposition Leader
Kim Beazley.
According to a
28 January 2006 report in the ''
Australian Financial Review'', Hawke — who initially made a small fortune from the property market — now focuses almost solely on facilitating business deals in China. He claimed: "I have the best possible contacts." Unnamed sources told the newspaper his negotiation and consulting skills have made him "seriously wealthy", possibly worth $50 million. The AFR claimed
AMP was set to pay him $30 million in the late 1990s to secure a stake in a Chinese insurer. The deal did not go ahead.
The newspaper claimed Californian prosecutors were eager to interview Hawke over his involvement with Silicon Valley entrepreneur Moses Joseph, who has been arrested and charged with 11 counts of theft, fraud and perjury. It reported:
Mr Hawke agreed to become a shareholder and director in one of Moses Joseph's companies, Powerwan Australia, in September 2004. At the time, Mr Joseph was spruiking plans for affordable broadband internet access using public powerlines here and in China. However, Mr Joseph was arrested eight months later in San Jose, California, for allegedly stealing about $US9 million in a series of scams between 2001 and early 2005. The victims were a group of United States companies including Eastman Kodak and financial institution US Bank.
Mr Hawke told the AFR his involvement with Mr Joseph had been "a mistake of judgement" and said he would be happy to talk to US authorities.
Honours
Hawke was made a Companion of the
Order of Australia in 1979.
[6]
He was awarded an honorary doctorate by the
University of South Australia. The University also named the Bob Hawke Prime Ministerial Library in his honour.
[7]
References
1. Blanche d'Alpuget, ''Robert J. Hawke'', 87
2. [1]
3. ABC Online Key Stories - 1983
4. Graham Richardson, ''Whatever It Takes'', 76
5. 1994 Year in Review - Australia Encyclopædia Britannica online
6. It's an Honour
7. The Bob Hawke Prime Ministerial Library
See also
★
First Hawke Ministry
★
Second Hawke Ministry
★
Third Hawke Ministry
★
Fourth Hawke Ministry
External links
★
Robert Hawke - Australia's Prime Ministers / National Archives of Australia
★
Bob Hawke Prime Ministerial Centre
★
Video of Hawke campaigning for an Australian republic
★
Video of Hawke campaigning for McKew in Bennellong in late 2007
★
Video of Norman Gunston, Gough Whitlam, Bill Hayden and Bob Hawke at 'The Dismissal'
Further reading
★
Robert J Hawke, Blanche d'Alpuget, , , Schwartz, 1982, ISBN 0-86753-001-4
★
The Hawke Memoirs, Bob Hawke, , , Heinemann, 1994, ISBN 0-85561-502-8
★
The Hawke-Keating Hijack, Dean Jaensch, , , Allen and Unwin, 1989, ISBN 0-04-370192-2
★
Hawke: An Emotional Life, Stan Anson, , , Macphee Gribble, 1991, ISBN 0-86914-279-8, 0869141961
★
The Hawke Years, Stephen Mills, , , Viking, 1993, ISBN 0-670-84563-9
★
The Hawke government : a critical retrospective, Susan Ryan and Troy Bramston, , , Pluto, 2003, ISBN 1-86403-264-2