
Cuban poster warning before invasion showing a soldier armed with an
RPD machine gun.
The 1961 'Bay of Pigs Invasion' was an unsuccessful attempted invasion by armed
Cuban exiles in southwest
Cuba, planned and funded by the
United States. An attempt to overthrow the government of
Fidel Castro. This action accelerated a rapid deterioration in
Cuban-American relations, which was further worsened by the
Cuban Missile Crisis the following year.
==Name and
toponomastics==
The invasion was named after the
Bay of Pigs where the landing took place. It is known in Cuban as 'Invasión de Bahía de Cochinos' or 'Invasión de Playa Girón'. Incidentally, the English translation of ''cochinos'' as "pigs" might be erroneous as in all probability here it refers to a species of
Triggerfish (''Balistes vetula'')
[3], rather than pigs (
''Sus scrofa'').
Background
On
March 17,
1960, the
Dwight D. Eisenhower Administration agreed to a recommendation from the
CIA to equip and drill Cuban exiles for action against the new government of
Fidel Castro.
[4] Eisenhower stated it was the policy of the U.S. government to aid anti-Castro
guerilla forces. The CIA began to recruit and train anti-Castro forces in the
Sierra Madre on the Pacific coast of
Guatemala.
. It has been claimed by one biographer that the main drive behind the invasion scheme was Vice President
Richard Nixon. The famous tapes from the time he was President seems to indicate that he was deeply involved.
The CIA was initially confident it was capable of overthrowing Castro, having experience assisting in the overthrow of other foreign governments such as the government of
Iranian Prime Minister
Mohammed Mossadegh in 1953 and
Guatemalan President
Jacobo Arbenz Guzmán in 1954.
Richard Mervin Bissell Jr., one of
Allen Dulles's three aides, was made director of ''Operation Zapata'', the CIA's codename for the operation.
The original plan called for landing the exile
Brigade 2506 in the vicinity of the old colonial city of
Trinidad, Cuba, in the central province of
Sancti Spiritus approximately 250 miles (400 km) southeast of
Havana at the foothills of the
Escambray Mountains.
The Trinidad site provided several options that the exile brigade could exploit during the invasion. The population of Trinidad was generally opposed to Castro, and the rugged mountains outside the city provided an area into which the invasion force could retreat and establish a guerrilla campaign if the landing faltered. Throughout 1960, the growing ranks of Brigade 2506 trained throughout southern
Florida and in Guatemala for the beach landing and possible mountain retreat.
On
February 17,
1961, U.S. President
John F. Kennedy asked his advisors whether the toppling of Castro might be related to weapon shipments and if it was possible to claim the real targets were modern fighter aircraft and rockets that endangered America's security. At the time, Cuba's army possessed Soviet tanks, artillery and small arms, and its air force consisted of
A-26 Invader medium bombers,
Hawker Sea Furies (a fast and effective British propeller-driven
fighter-bomber capable of downing a
MiG-15 in combat) and
T-33 jets left over from the Batista Air Force.
[5]
As Kennedy's plans evolved, critical details were changed that were to hamper chances of a successful mission without overt U.S. military support. These revised details included changing the landing area for Brigade 2506 to two points in
Matanzas Province, 202 km southeast of Havana on the eastern edge of the Zapata peninsula at the Bahía de Cochinos (Bay of Pigs). The landings would take place on the Girón and Zapatos Larga beaches. This change effectively cut off contact with the rebels of the "
War Against the Bandits" uprising in the Escambray Mountains. The Castro government also had been warned by senior
KGB agents
Osvaldo Sánchez Cabrera and "Aragon", who died violently before and after the invasion. The U.S. government was aware that a high casualty rate was possible. .
Through their secret intelligence, as well as loose talk in
Miami, the Cuban security apparatus knew the invasion was coming. More than 100,000 Cubans suspected to be security threats or "politically unreliable" were rounded up and arrested throughout the island by the political police in anticipation of the invasion. The arrests were facilitated by informants and the diligent work of the Committees for the Defense of the Revolution (CDRs) working in conjunction with the secret police, the G-2s. Nevertheless, days before the invasion, multiple acts of sabotage were carried out, such as the bombing of the El Encanto department store in Havana, desultory explosions, and arson.
Between April and October 1961, hundreds of executions took place in response to the invasion. They took place at various prisons, particularly at the dreaded Fortaleza de la Cabana and El Morro Castle, 18th-century Spanish fortresses built to protect Havana Harbor. Castro had converted their dungeons into prisons, their walls into ''paredones de fusilamiento'' (firing squad walls). Infiltration team leaders Antonio Diaz Pou and Raimundo E. Lopez, as well as underground students Virgilio Campaneria, Alberto Tapia, and more than one hundred others died within these colonial prisons.
[ pp. 94-95 ]
Soviet advisors to Cuban government forces
Foreign advisors were brought to Cuba from
Eastern Bloc countries; the most senior of these were
Francisco Ciutat de Miguel,
Enrique Lister, and
Alberto Bayo.
[6] Ciutat de Miguel (Masonic name: Algazel; Russian name: Pavel Pavlovich Stepanov; Cuban alias: Ángel Martínez Riosola, commonly referred to as Angelito) is said to have arrived the same day as the
La Coubre explosion; he was wounded in the foot during the
War Against the Bandits. Date of wound is not given in references cited
[7]
Invasion
On the morning of
April 15,
1961, three flights of
Douglas B-26B Invader light bomber aircraft displaying Cuban Fuerza Aerea Revolucionaria (FAR - Revolutionary Air Force) markings bombed and strafed the Cuban airfields of
San Antonio de Los Baños,
Antonio Maceo International Airport, and the airfield at Ciudad Libertad.
Operation Puma, the code name given to the
offensive counter air attacks against the
Cuban Revolutionary Armed Forces, called for 48 hours of air strikes across the island to effectively eliminate the Cuban air force, ensuring Brigade 2506 complete air superiority over the island prior to the actual landing at the Bay of Pigs. This failed because the air strikes were not continued as was originally planned.
The second wave of air strikes, designed to wipe out the remainder of Castro's air force, was canceled. President Kennedy wanted the operation to look "Cuban," so that his administration could claim "plausible deniability" and avoid responsibility for the invasion as a U.S. operation. This was the same reason for which the landing site had been moved from Trinidad, which was close to the Escambray Mountains, an anticommunist rebel stronghold, where the freedom fighters would have been able to reach sanctuary in case of failure. Moreover, Trinidad not only had great port facilities for landing the invasion force, armaments and supplies, but more importantly, was a counterrevolutionary fervent of activity, where a rising of the population could have been possible. President Kennedy, despite the CIA's objections, moved the landing site to the Bay of Pigs area. CIA Chief of Operations, Richard Bissell, had chosen this site wisely for the above reasons, but the President, upholding plausible deniability, insisted it be moved. The cancellation of the air strikes, the change of the landing site, and ultimately, the lack of U.S. air cover and support during the invasion, sealed the fate of the mission and the lives of many of the men of the invasion force.
[8]
Adlai Stevenson, the U.S. ambassador to the
United Nations, had been embarrassed by revelations that the first wave of air strikes had been carried out by U.S. planes despite his repeated denials that this was so. He contacted
McGeorge Bundy who, unaware of the critical importance to the mission of the second wave, canceled the air strike despite Kennedy's earlier approval for it. Although Castro had prior knowledge of the invasion, the Cuban air force planes were virtually a sitting duck force on the ground and could have been wiped out, if the second and third waves of attack had been launched as originally planned.
[9] [10]

Map showing the location of the Bay of Pigs.
Of the Brigade 2506 aircraft that sortied on the morning of
April 15, one was tasked with establishing the CIA cover story for the invasion. The slightly modified two-seat B-26B used for this mission was piloted by
Captain Mario Zuniga. Prior to departure, the engine cowling from one of the aircraft's two engines was removed by maintenance personnel, fired upon, then re-installed to give the appearance that the aircraft had taken ground fire at some point during its flight.
Captain Zuniga departed from the exile base in
Nicaragua on a solo, low-flying mission that took him over the westernmost province of
Pinar del Río, Cuba, and then northeast toward
Key West, Florida. Once across the island, Captain Zuniga climbed steeply away from the waves of the
Florida Straits to an altitude where he would be detected by U.S. radar installations to the north of Cuba.
At altitude and a safe distance north of the island, Captain Zuniga feathered the engine with the pre-installed bullet holes in the engine cowling, radioed a mayday call and requested immediate permission to land at Boca Chica Naval Air Station a few kilometers northeast of
Key West. This account differs from Cuban government reports that
Sea Fury,
B-26 fighter bombers and
T-33 trainers flown by the few Cuban
[11] and some left-wing Chilean and Nicaraguan pilots
[12][13], loyal to Castro attacked the older slower B-26s flown by the invading force.
[14]
By the time of Captain Zuniga's announcement to the world mid-morning on
April 15, all but one of the Brigade's Douglas bombers were back over the Caribbean on the three and a half hour return leg to their base in Nicaragua to re-arm and refuel. Upon landing, however, the flight crews were met with a cable from Washington ordering the indefinite stand-down of all further combat operations over Cuba.
On
April 17, four 2,400-ton chartered transports (named the ''Houston'', ''Río Escondido'', ''Caribe'', and ''Atlántico'') transported 1,511 Cuban exiles to the Bay of Pigs on the Southern coast of Cuba. They were accompanied by two CIA-owned infantry landing crafts (LCI's), called the ''Blagar'' and ''Barbara J'', containing supplies, ordnance, and equipment. The small army hoped to find support from the local population, intending to cross the island to Havana. The CIA assumed the invasion would spark a popular uprising against Castro. However, the Escambray rebels had been contained by Cuban militia directed by
Francisco Ciutat de Miguel. By the time the invasion began, Castro had already executed some who were suspected of colluding with the American campaign (notably two former "Comandantes" Humberto Sorí Marin and
William Alexander Morgan[15][16] Others executed included Alberto Tapia Ruano, a catholic youth leader. April was a bloody month for the resistance. Several hundred thousand were imprisoned before, during and after the invasion.
[17]
After landing, it soon became evident that the exiles were not going to receive effective support at the site of the invasion and were likely to lose. Reports from both sides describe tank battles involving heavy USSR equipment.
[18] Kennedy decided against giving the faltering invasion U.S. air support (though four U.S. pilots were killed in Cuba during the invasion) because of his opposition to overt intervention. Kennedy also canceled several sorties of bombings (only two took place) on the grounded Cuban air force, which might have crippled the Cuban air capabilities and given air superiority to the invaders.
U.S. Marines were not sent in
[3].
Air action
Aviation is commonly considered the deciding factor during the Bay of Pigs Invasion. Cuban government navy forces had been destroyed early with much loss of life while still in port at Rio de Las Casas base.
Initially the CIA planned a surprise air attack using B-26Bs on the Cuban Air Force, the Fuerza Aerea Revolucionaria (FAR). This took place in the early morning of
April 15 with eight B-26s attacking the Antonio Maceo airport and various air bases. The attack left Cuban forces with "two
B-26s, two
Sea Furies, and two
T-33As at San Antonio de los Baños Airbase, and only one Sea Fury at the
Antonio Maceo Airport" while two of the attacking bombers were damaged
[19] However, these surviving FAR aircraft, though few, were of good quality and, with a mix of fighter/bombers and ground attack aircraft, still a well-balanced force to use in defense against an amphibious invasion. By contrast, the CIA-provided aircraft mix lacked the flexibility necessary to achieve air superiority. However, the leadership of the air-forces of the Cuban government was in disarray former driver for Raul Castro "Maro" Guerra Bermejo, was replaced on the second day of action by Castro's Minister of Communication Raúl Curbelo Morales; at this time the Hispano-Soviet pilots had not yet arrived
[5]
After this initial success, the CIA/Exile air force suffered considerable reverses. When the invasion started, the remaining FAR Hawker Sea Furies were able to engage the Exile forces on the beaches within 15 minutes. When the FAR B-26s arrived to take over bombing the beaches, the Hawkers changed targets to the amphibious support ships, damaging the flagship "Marsopa" and sinking the "Houston", which was the main supply ship, for the loss of one aircraft.
In response the invaders ordered four B-26s to resume bombing and strafing missions using
napalm, but two were quickly shot down and the other two retreated, one badly damaged. Thereafter, the FAR enjoyed almost total air superiority. The next day, the FAR shot down two opposing B-26s, and the day after that, ten were shot down.
Land action
In the beginning, the
militia on the beach surrendered, and the invaders moved to control the
causeways. There the fighting became intense, and Cuban army casualities were very high, both as a result of firepower from the invaders and the
strafing B-26. However, once their air support was eliminated and after expending all ammunition, the invaders were forced back to the beach (summarized from Lynch, Grayston L. 2000, and others in bibliography below). The land action was very bloody. Carlos Franqui wrote:
[20]
Aftermath
From the air battle, there were 10 Cuban exiles, 4 U.S. pilots, and 6 Cuban Air Force pilots killed in action.
By the time fighting ended on
April 21, 68 exiles were dead and the rest were captured. Estimates of Cuban forces killed vary with the source, but were generally far higher.
The 1,209 captured exiles were quickly put on trial. A few were executed and the rest sentenced to thirty years in prison for
treason. After 20 months of negotiation with the United States, Cuba released the exiles in exchange for $53 million in food and medicine.
Cuba's losses during the Bay of Pigs Invasion are unknown, but most sources' estimates are high. Triay
[21] mentions 4,000 casualties; Lynch
[22] states about 5,000. Other sources indicate over 2,200 casualties. Unofficial reports list that seven Cuban army infantry battalions suffered significant losses during the fighting.
In one air attack alone, Cuban forces suffered an estimated 1,800 casualties when a mixture of army troops, militia, and civilians were caught on an open causeway riding in civilian buses towards the battle scene in which several buses were hit by
napalm.
[23][24][25]
The government initially reported their army losses as 87 dead with many more wounded. The number of those killed in action in Cuba's army during the battle eventually ran to 140, and then finally to 161. Thus in the most accepted calculations, a total of around 2,000 (perhaps as many as 5,000, see above) Cuban militia fighting for the Republic of Cuba may have been killed, wounded or missing in action.
The total casualties for the brigade were 104 members killed, and a few hundred more were wounded.
In 1979 the body of Alabama National Guard Captain Thomas Willard Ray, who was shot down flying a B-26, was returned to his family from Cuba. In the 1990s, the CIA admitted to his links to the agency and awarded him their highest award, the
Intelligence Star.
[26]
Prisoners
In May 1961 Castro proposed an exchange of the surviving members of the assault for five hundred bulldozers. The trade rose to US$28 million.
Negotiations were non-productive until after the
Cuban missile crisis. On
December 21,
1962, Castro and James B. Donovan, a U.S. lawyer signed an agreement to exchange the 1,113 prisoners for US$53 million in food and medicine; the money was raised by private donations.
[27] On
December 29,
1962, Kennedy met with the returning brigade at
Palm Beach,
Florida.
Reaction
The failed Bay of Pigs invasion severely embarrassed the Kennedy Administration and made Castro wary of future U.S. intervention in Cuba. As a result of the failure,
CIA director Allen Dulles,
deputy CIA director Charles Cabell, and Deputy Director of Operations
Richard Bissell were all forced to resign. All three were held responsible for the planning of the operation at the CIA. Responsibility of the Kennedy Administration and the U.S. State Department for modifications of the plans were not apparent until later.
In August 1961, during an economic conference of the
Organization of American States in
Punta del Este,
Uruguay,
Che Guevara sent a note to Kennedy through
Richard N. Goodwin, a young secretary of the
White House. It said: "Thanks for Playa Girón. Before the invasion, the revolution was weak. Now it's stronger than ever."
The Kennedy administration continued covert operations against Castro, later launching
the Cuban Project to "help Cuba overthrow the Communist regime". Tensions again peaked in the
Cuban Missile Crisis of 1962.
The CIA wrote a detailed internal report that laid blame for the failure squarely on internal incompetence. Errors by the CIA and other American analysts contributed to the debacle:
★ The administration believed that the troops could retreat to the mountains to lead a guerrilla war if they lost in open battle. The mountains were too far to reach on foot, and the troops were deployed in swamp land, where they were easily surrounded.
★ They believed that the involvement of the US in the incident could be denied.
★ They believed that Cubans would be grateful to be liberated from Fidel Castro and would quickly join the battle. This support failed to materialize; many hundreds of thousands of others were arrested, and some executed, prior to the landings. (see also Priestland 2003; Lynch, 2000).
The CIA's near certainty that the Cuban people would rise up and join them was based on the agency's extremely weak presence on the ground in Cuba. Castro's counterintelligence, trained by Soviet Bloc specialists including
Enrique Lister,
had infiltrated most resistance groups. Because of this, almost all the information that came from exiles and defectors was "contaminated." CIA operative
E. Howard Hunt had interviewed Cubans in Havana prior to the invasion; in a future interview with
CNN, he said, "...all I could find was a lot of enthusiasm for Fidel Castro."
[28] Grayston Lynch among others, also points to Castro's rounding up of hundreds of thousands of anti-Castro and potentially anti-Castro Cubans across the island prior to and during the invasion (e.g. Priestland, 2003), destroying any chances for a general uprising against the Castro regime. Thus the million voices that had cried "Cuba si, comunismo NO!" on November 28 1959,
[29] were gone or silent.
Many military leaders almost certainly expected the invasion to fail but thought that Kennedy would send in
Marines to save the exiles. Kennedy, however, did not want a full scale war and abandoned the exiles.
An
April 29 2000 ''
Washington Post'' article, "Soviets Knew Date of Cuba Attack", reported that the CIA had information indicating that the
Soviet Union knew the invasion was going to take place and did not inform Kennedy.
Radio Moscow actually broadcast an English-language newscast on
April 13,
1961 predicting the invasion "in a plot hatched by the CIA" using paid "criminals" within a week. The invasion took place four days later. According to British minister
David Ormsby-Gore, British intelligence estimates, which had been made available to the CIA, indicated that the Cuban people were predominantly behind Castro and that there was no likelihood of mass defections or insurrections following the invasion.
Apparently British Intelligence chose to ignore news reports of major fighting in the Escambray Mountains, with artillery bombardment and civilian evacuations (e.g. AP report in Bennington Evening Banner, Jan 16, 1961, p. 3) which later turned out to be correct. More recent analysis suggests that, probably because of the Castro government's almost complete blackout of actions outside of Havana, the sources such as those used in the Ormsby-Gore intelligence estimate were not aware of the following related material: On April 14, 1961, the guerrillas of Agapito Rivera fought Cuban government forces near Las Cruces, Montembo, Las Villas, where several government forces were killed and others wounded.
[30] On April 16, Merardo Leon, Jose Leon, and 14 others staged armed rising at Las Delicias Estate in Las Villas, only four survived
[31] Leonel Martinez and 12 others took to the country side (ibid). On April 17, 1961, Osvaldo Ramírez (then chief of the
rural resistance to Castro) was captured in Aromas de Velázquez and immediately executed.
[32] The ruthlessness with which this resistance was suppressed is well described in Franqui.
[33] On April 3, 1961, a bomb attack on militia barracks in Bayamo killed four militia and eight more were wounded; on April 6, the Hershey Sugar factory in Matanzas is destroyed by sabotage; on April 18, Directorio guerrilla Marcelino Magaňaz died in action in Sierra Maestra.
[34] On April 19, at least seven Cubans plus two US citizens (Angus K. McNair and Howard F. Anderson) were executed in Pinar del Rio Province.
[35]. However, the general Cuban population was not well informed, except for CIA funded
Radio Swan.
[36] As of May of 1960, almost all means of public communication were in the government’s hands.
[37]
The invasion is often criticized as making Castro even more popular, adding nationalistic sentiments to the support for his economic policies. Following the initial B-26 bombings, he declared the revolution "
Marxist-Leninist". After the invasion, he pursued closer relations with the Soviet Union, partly for protection, which helped pave the way for the
Cuban Missile Crisis a year and a half later.
Many who fought for the CIA in the Bay of Pigs remained loyal after the fiasco. An appendix to the Enrique Ros book (pp. 287-298) gives the names of Bay of Pigs veterans who became officers in the US Army in Vietnam. These names include 6 Colonels, 19 Lieutenant Colonels, 9 Majors, and 29 Captains. As of March 2007, the Communist Party is now the only political party in Cuba, and about half of the Brigade have passed on.
[38]
There are still yearly nation-wide drills in Cuba during the 'Dia de la Defensa' (Defense Day) to prepare the entire population for an invasion.
See also
★
Cuba-United States relations
★
Guantánamo Bay (Cuba)
★
Swan Islands
★ ''
Red Zone Cuba'' (
1966)
Notes
1. Triay p. 81
2. Lynch
3. [1]
4. ''A Thousand days:John F Kennedy in the White House'' Arthur Schlesinger Jr 1965
5. http://www.latinamericanstudies.org/baypigs-airforce.htm
6. (Paz-Sanchez, 2001, pp 189-199)
7. [2]
8. Faria, Miguel A., Cuba in Revolution--Escape from a Lost Paradise(2002), Macon, Georgia, pp.93-98. http://www.Haciendapub.com
9. Lazo, Mario, American Policy Failures in Cuba--Dagger in the Heart (1970), Twin Circle Publishing, New York, pp.257-312.
10. Wyden, Peter, Bay of Pigs--The untold story (1979), Simon and Schuster, New York, pp.93-172.
11. notable Rafael del Pino, Lagas, 1964
12. Lagas, 1964
13. Somoza-Debayle and Jack Cox, 1980
14. http://www.urrib2000.narod.ru/ArticGiron1-e.html
15. http://www.latinamericanstudies.org/morgan/Morgan-03-13-6]
16. http://www.gwu.edu/~nsarchiv/bayofpigs/chron.html
17. Priestland, 2003
18. http://www.spartacus.schoolnet.co.uk/SPlister.htm
19. [4]
20. Data sources include: de Paz-Sánchez, 2001; Lynch, 2000 D; Johnson, 1964; Franqui, 1984; Vivés, 1984.
21. p. 110
22. p. 148
23. http://www.serendipity.li/cia/bay-of-pigs.htm
24. http://www.globalsecurity.org/military/library/report/1984/EJR.htm
25. http://www.latinamericanstudies.org/articles/bayofpigs.htm
26. Thomas, Eric 2007 (accessed 2-22-07) Local Man Forever Tied To Cuban Leader Father Frozen, Displayed By Fidel Castro KGO ABC7/KGO-TV/DT. ABC San Francisco, Oakland, San Jose http://abclocal.go.com/kgo/story?section=assignment_7&id=5056129
27. http://onwar.com/aced/chrono/c1900s/yr60/fcuba1961.htm
28. http://www.cnn.com/SPECIALS/cold.war/episodes/18/interviews/hunt/
29. [6]
30. Corzo, 2003 p. 83
31. Corzo, 2003 p. 85
32. [7]
33. Franqui 1984, pp. 111-115
34. Corzo, 2003 p. 79-89
35. Corzo, 2003 p. 90
36. [8]
37. . NYT May 26, 1960 p. 5; [9]
38. Iuspa-Abbott. Paola, 2007 (accessed 3-27-07) Palm Beach County Bay of Pigs veterans remember invasion of Cuba. South Florida Sun-Sentinel Posted March 26 2007 [10]
References
★ Anderson, Jon L. 1998 Che Guevara: A Revolutionary Life. Grove/Atlantic ISBN 0-8021-3558-7
★ Corzo, Pedro 2003 Cuba Cronología de la lucha contra el totalitarismo. Ediciones Memorias, Miami. ISBN 1890829242
★ Faria, Miguel, A, Cuba in Revolution--Escape from a Lost Paradise (2002) Hacienda Publishing, pp.93-102, notes# 16 and 24. ISBN 0-9641077-3-2.
★ Franqui, Carlos 1984 (foreword by G. Cabrera Infante and translated by Alfred MacAdam from Spanish 1981 version) Family portrait with Fidel. 1985 edition Random House First Vintage Books, New York. ISBN 0394726200 pp. 111-128
★ Lynch, Grayston L. 2000 Decision for Disaster: Betrayal at the Bay of Pigs. Potomac Books Dulles Virginia ISBN 1-57488-237-6
★ Hunt, E. Howard 1973 Give us this day. Arlington House, New Rochelle, N.Y. ISBN-10 0870002287 ISBN-13: 978-0870002281
★ Johnson, Haynes 1964 The Bay of Pigs: The Leaders' Story of Brigade 2506. W. W. Norton & Co Inc. New York. 1974 edition ISBN 0-393-04263-4
★ Lagas, Jacques 1964 Memorias de un capitán rebelde. Editorial del Pácifico. Santiago, Chile.
★ Lazo, Mario 1968, 1970 Dagger in the heart: American policy failures in Cuba. Twin Circle. New York. I968 edition Library of Congress number 6831632, 1970 edition, ASIN B0007DPNJS
★ Grayston L. Lynch (see Lynch, Grayston L.)
★ de Paz-Sánchez, Manuel 2001 Zona de Guerra, España y la revolución Cubana (1960-1962), Taller de Historia, Tenerife Gran Canaria ISBN 8479263644
★ Priestland, Jane (editor) 2003 British Archives on Cuba: Cuba under Castro 1959-1962. Archival Publications International Limited, 2003, London ISBN 1-903008-20-4
★
Jean Edward Smith, "Bay of Pigs: The Unanswered Questions," ''The Nation'', (Apr. 13, 1964), p. 360-363.
★ Somoza-Debayle, Anastasio and Jack Cox 1980 Nicaragua Betrayed Western Islands Publishers, pp. 169-180 ISBN 088279235
★ Ros, Enrique 1994 (1998) Giron la verdadera historia. Ediciones Universales (Colección Cuba y sus jueces) third edition Miami ISBN 0-89729-738-5
★ Thomas, Hugh 1998 Cuba or The Pursuit of Freedom. Da Capo Press, New York Updated Ed. ISBN 0-306-80827-7
★ Triay, Victor 2001 Andres Bay of Pigs. University Press of Florida, Gainesville ISBN 0-8130-2090-5
★ Welch, David A and James G Blight (editors) 1998 Intelligence and the Cuban Missile Crisis. Frank Cass Publishers, London and Portland Oregon ISBN 0-7146-4883-3 ISBN 0-7146-4435-8
★ Vivés, Juan (Pseudonym, of a former veteran and Castro Intelligence Official; Translated to Spanish from 1981 Les Maîtres de Cuba. Opera Mundi, Paris by Zoraida Valcarcel) 1982 Los Amos de Cuba. EMCÉ Editores, Buenos Aires. ISBN 9500400758
★ Wyden, Peter 1979 Bay of Pigs Simon. and Schuster New York ISBN 0-671-24006-40
External links
★
NY Times headline, April 18, 1961, ''Anti-Castro Units Land in Cuba; Report Fighting at Beachhead; Rusk Says U.S. Won't Intervene''
★ — Includes maps of the Invasion and Documents.
★
History of Cuba — Bay of Pigs Invasion.
★
National Security Archive chronology
★
The Sea Fury aircraft at Bay of Pigs
★
Reference on Bay of Pigs Invasion at Encyclopedia.com
★
Bay of Pigs betrayal the betrayal of the Cuban people by the CIA, State Department, and staff members of the New York Times ranks as one of America's darkest foreign-policy moments