The 'Battle of Bannockburn' (''Blàr Allt a' Bhonnaich'' in Gaelic) (
June 24 1314) was a significant
Scottish victory in the
Wars of Scottish Independence. It was the decisive battle in the
First War of Scottish Independence.
Prelude
Around Lent of 1314
Edward Bruce, brother of the Scottish king, began the siege of
Stirling Castle, commanded by a Scot, Sir Philip Mowbray. Unable to make any headway he agreed to a pact with Mowbray. If no relief came by
midsummer 1314, the castle would submit to Bruce. By this arrangement he may have believed that he had bought a cheap victory; for it was now two years since an
English army had come to Scotland, and
Edward II had so recently been on the verge of war with his barons after the murder of
Piers Gaveston in the summer of
1312. Yet this was a challenge that could not be ignored in the same way that the bleeding of northern England had.
Stirling was of vital strategic importance and its loss would be a serious embarrassment. The time allowed in the Bruce-Mowbray pact was ample for Edward to gather a powerful army. According to the historian and poet
Barbour, King
Robert Bruce rebuked the folly of his brother but similar agreements were a normal part of medieval war, and Dundee had probably fallen to the Scots through a similar arrangement in 1312. Mowbray had a breathing space and looked forward to the summer of 1314. In England Edward and his barons reached an uneasy peace and made ready.
Edward comes north
Edward came to Scotland in the high summer of 1314 with the notional aim of relieving Stirling Castle: the real purpose, of course, was to find and destroy the Scottish army in the field, and thus end the war. England, for once, was largely united in this ambition, although some of Edward's greatest magnates and former enemies, headed by his cousin,
Thomas of Lancaster, did not attend in person, sending the minimum number of troops they were required to by feudal law.
Even so, the force that left
Berwick-upon-Tweed on 17 June 1314 was impressive: it comprised between two and three thousand horse (likely closer to two thousand) and sixteen thousand foot, at least two or three times the size of the army Bruce had been able to gather.
Edward was accompanied by many of the seasoned campaigners of the Scottish wars, headed by the
Earl of Pembroke, and veterans like
Henry Beaumont and Robert Clifford.
The most irreconcilable of Bruce's Scottish enemies also came:
Ingram de Umfraville, a former Guardian, and his kinsman the
Earl of Angus, as well as others of the
MacDougalls,
MacCanns and
Comyns. Most poignant of all came Sir
John Comyn of Badenoch, the only son of the
Black Comyn, who had grown up in England and was now returning to Scotland to avenge his father.
This was a grand feudal army, one of the last of its kind to leave England in the
Middle Ages. King Robert awaited its arrival south of Stirling near the Bannock Burn.
Preparations
The English army marched rapidly towards
Stirling to be there before Mowbray's agreement expired on June 24.
Edinburgh was reached on the 19th and by the 22nd it was at
Falkirk, only 15 miles short of its objective. Edward's host followed the line of the old Roman road, which ran through an ancient forest known as the
Tor Wood, over the Bannock Burn and into the
New Park, a hunting preserve enclosed at the time of
Alexander III.
Bruce's army had been assembling in the Tor Wood, an area providing good natural cover, from the middle of May. On Saturday June 22, with his troops now organised into their respective commands, Bruce moved his army slightly to the north to the New Park, a more heavily wooded area, where his movements could be concealed and which, if the occasion demanded, would provide cover for a withdrawal.
Bruce's army, like
William Wallace's before him, was chiefly composed of infantry armed with long spears. It was probably divided into three main formations.
Thomas Randolph, 1st Earl of Moray, commanded the vanguard, which was stationed about a mile to the south of Stirling, near the church of St. Ninians, while the king commanded the rearguard at the entrance to the New Park. His brother, Edward, led the third division. According to Barbour only, there was a fourth nominally under the youthful
Walter the Steward, but actually under the command of
Sir James Douglas.
[1]
Bruce also had a cavalry force of some 500 men-at-arms under Sir
Robert Keith, which was to play a small but crucial role in the coming battle. In an 18th century romance version of the Bruce Legend, the
Knights Templar distinguished themselves at the Battle of Bannockburn on the Scottish side;
[2] however this is unquestionably a later addition (c. 1700) to the account. Bruce was at that time excommunicated and the Templar Order had recently been dissolved in most of Europe, so a common speculation developed that many Templars had fled to Scotland to be away from Papal control.
The army might have numbered as many as 9,000 men in all, but probably more of the order of 6,000-7,000. It was gathered from the whole of Scotland: knights and nobles, freemen and tenants, town dwellers and traders: men who could afford the arms and armour required.
Barbour tells that King Robert turned away those who were not adequately equipped. For most such equipment would consist of a spear, a helmet, a thick padded jacket down to the knees and armoured gloves. It is highly-probable that a large proportion of the spearmen would have acquired more extensive armour given that the country had been at war for nearly twenty years.
The balance of the army consisted of archers and men-at-arms. Each of these troop types was indistinguishable from their counterparts in
France or England. Many of the Scottish men-at-arms (recruited from the nobility and the more prosperous burgesses) served on foot at Bannockburn.
Since his landing at
Ayrshire in 1307, King Robert had demonstrated time and time again that he was willing to take risks; but these were always measured and calculated. He had no intention of chancing all on the outcome of a day, as
William Wallace had at the
Battle of Falkirk. Almost to the last minute he was prepared to withdraw. He was persuaded to remain by news of the poor state of morale in the English army. But undoubtedly the most important factor in convincing him to make a stand was the ground which lay before him.
The Bannock Burn, over which the English army had to cross on the way to Stirling, and its sister streams flowed over the Carse of Stirling. A
carse is an area which is wet in winter, but hard in summer, and most of it was used for growing wheat, oats, and barley.
With the trees of the New Park covering Bruce's army to the west, the only approach apart from the Pows to the east was directly over the old road from
Falkirk. If this route, virtually the only solid ground on which heavy cavalry could deploy freely, were to be denied to the English, they would have no choice but to wheel right to the north-east, on to the Carse.
To force Edward to take this route Bruce adopted tactics similar to those he had used at the
Battle of Loudon Hill: both sides of the road were peppered with small pits or 'pots', each three feet deep and covered with brush, which would force the enemy to bunch towards the centre of a dangerously constricted front. Once on the Carse the English army would be caught in a kind of natural vise, as the main action on 24 June was to show, with waterways to the north, east, and south. Such natural advantages were not easily obtained, and were unlikely to occur again.
There is some confusion over the exact site of the Battle of
Bannockburn, although most modern historians agree that the traditional site, where a visitor centre and statue have been erected, is not the correct one
[3]. Although a large number of possible alternatives have been proposed, most can be dismissed and two serious contenders can be considered
[4]:
★ the area of peaty ground known as the Dryfield outside the village of Balquhiderock, about three-quarters of a mile to the east of the traditional site
[5], and
★ the Carse of Balquhiderock, about a mile and a half north-east of the traditional site, accepted by the
National Trust as the most likely candidate
[6].
First day of battle
It was on the old road that the preliminary actions of the Battle of Bannockburn took place on Sunday 23 June.
For the English, things started to go wrong before the first blow had been struck.
Sir Philip Mowbray, the commander of Stirling Castle, who had observed Bruce's preparations on the road, appeared in Edward's camp early in the morning, and warned of the dangers of approaching the Scots directly through the New Park.
Mowbray also pointed out that there was no need to force a battle, as Edward was now close enough to the castle to constitute a technical relief in terms of the agreement with Edward Bruce. But even if the king was disposed to act on Mowbray's advice, it was already too late; for he was showing signs of losing control of his formidable but unwieldy host.
The vanguard under the earls of
Gloucester and
Hereford, appointed to joint command by Edward after a quarrel about who would take the lead - a compromise that satisfied no one - were already closing in on the Scots from the south, advancing in the same reckless manner that had almost brought disaster at Falkirk. Following the line of the Roman road, they crossed the ford over the Bannock Burn towards King Robert's division at the opening of the New Park.
There now occurred one of the most memorable episodes in Scottish history. Sir
Henry de Bohun, nephew of the
Earl of Hereford, was riding ahead of his companions when he caught sight of the Scottish king himself. De Bohun lowered his lance and began a charge that carried him out of history and into legend.
King Robert was mounted on a small
palfrey and armed only with a battle-axe.
[7] He had no armor on. As de Bohun's great
war-horse thundered towards him he stood his ground, watched with mounting anxiety by his own army. With the Englishman only feet away Bruce turned aside, stood in his stirrups and hit the knight so hard with his axe that he split his helmet and head in two. This small incident became in a larger sense a symbol of the war itself: the one side heavily armed but lacking agility; the other highly mobile and open to opportunity.
Rebuked by his commanders for the enormous risk he had taken, the King only expressed regret that he had broken the shaft of his axe. Cheered by this heroic encounter Bruce's division rushed forward to engage the main enemy force.
For the English, so says the author of the ''Vita Edwardi Secundi'' ("Life of Edward II"), this was the beginning of their troubles. After some fierce fighting, in which the
Earl of Gloucester was knocked off his horse, the knights of the vanguard were forced to retreat back to the Tor Wood. The Scots, eager to pursue, were held back by the command of the king.
In the meantime, another English cavalry force under Robert Clifford and
Henry Beaumont skirted the Scottish position to the east and rode towards Stirling, advancing as far as St. Ninians. Bruce spotted the manoeuvre and ordered Randolph's
schiltron to intercept.
Randolph's action was to be a sampler of the main contest the following day: unsupported by archers, the horsemen were unable to make any impression on the Scots spearmen, precisely what happened in the opening stages of Falkirk. But the difference now was that the schiltrons had learnt mobility and how to keep formation at the same time.
The English squadron was broken, some seeking refuge in the nearby castle, others fleeing back to the army. The captives included
Sir Thomas Gray, whose son and namesake was later to base his account of the Battle of Bannockburn in his book, the ''Scalacronica'', on his father's memories.
Second day of battle
The English army was still approaching Stirling from the south. Bruce's preparations had made the direct approach to Stirling too hazardous. Edward made the worst decision of all: he ordered the army to cross the Bannock Burn to the east of the New Park
Not long after daybreak on June 24, the Scots spearmen began to move towards the English. Edward was most surprised of all to see Robert's army emerge from the cover of the woods. As Bruce's army drew nearer they paused and knelt in prayer. Edward is supposed to have said in surprise "They pray for mercy!" "For mercy, yes," one of his attendants replied, "But from God, not you. These men will conquer or die."
One of the English earls, Gloucester, asked the king to hold back - but the king accused him of cowardice. Angered, the earl mounted his horse and led the vanguard on a charge against the leading Scots spearmen, commanded by Edward Bruce. Gloucester, who according to some accounts had not bothered to don his surcoat, was killed in the forest of Scottish spears, along with some of the other knights. The very size and strength of the great army was beginning to work against the King, as his army could not move quickly and lost a lot of time in getting into position
Bruce now committed his whole Scots army to an inexorable bloody push into the disorganized English mass, fighting side by side across a single front. A small force of archers added to the misery in Edward's army, which was now so tightly packed that if a man fell he risked being immediately crushed underfoot or suffocated. The knights began to escape back across the Bannock Burn.
With the English formations beginning to break, a great shout went up from the Scots, "Lay on! Lay on! Lay on! They fail!" This cry was heard by Bruce's camp followers, who promptly gathered weapons and banners and charged forward. To the English army, close to exhaustion, this appeared like a fresh reserve and they lost all hope. The Welsh Archers were the only part of the English army not to break at Bannockburn.
The end had come and Edward, whose personal courage in battle had done nothing to make up for his fatal mistakes, was forcibly taken from the field by his personal bodyguard. Edward's enforced flight ended the remaining order in the army; panic spread and defeat turned into a
rout. He arrived eventually at
Dunbar Castle, from here he took ship to England. From the carnage of Bannockburn the rest of the army escaped as best they could.
Legacy
The Scottish victory was complete and, although full English recognition of
Scottish independence was not achieved until more than ten years later, Robert Bruce's position as king was greatly strengthened by the events at Bannockburn.
In recent years a legend has developed that Robert I was saved at a critical juncture of the battle by a force of Knights Templar - a story with no foundation in the documents of the time.
A modern, abstract monument stands in a field above the battle site, where the warring parties are believed to have camped on the night before the battle. The monument consists of two hemicircular walls depicting the opposing parties.
Nearby stands the 1960s statue of Bruce by
Pilkington Jackson. The monument, and the associated visitor centre, is one of the most popular tourist attractions in the area.
In
1932 the Bannockburn Preservation Committee, under
Edward Bruce, 10th Earl of Elgin and Kincardine, presented lands to the
National Trust for Scotland. Further lands were purchased in
1960 and
1965 to facilitate visitor access.
"Bannockburn. Robert Bruce's Address to His Army." is also the title of a patriotic
poem by
Robert Burns.
Footnotes
1. Nicholson, Later Middle Ages pp.87-89
2. The History Channel, ''The Templar Code'', May 17, 2006
3. Mackenzie, W. M , ''The Battle of Bannockburn: a Study in Mediaeval Warfare'',Publisher: James MacLehose Glasgow, Scotland 1913
4. Barrow, Geoffrey W.S., ''Robert Bruce & The Community of The Realm of Scotland'', 1988, ISBN 0-85224-604-8
5. Barron, E.M., ''The Scottish War of Independence: a Critical Study'', 1934
6. Christison, Philip, ''Bannockburn: the story of the battle'', 1960, Edinburgh: The National Trust for Scotland
7. Hyland, Ann. ''The Warhorse 1250-1600'', UK: Sutton Publishing, 1998, p 38
It has been claimed by many historians that Robert the Bruce was NOT born in Scotland but in Surrey, England, where his father the Earl of Carrick had been granted Anglo-Norman lands by the Edward the First, 'Hammer of the Scots'? At that time many Scots aristocrats had feudal estates in England.
Indeed, it could well be argued that this was not a conflict between England and Scotland but simply two Anglo-Norman lords fighting over a piece of territory: Scotland, which at that time was claimed by Edward Plantagent as part of northern England?
Many modern historians are of this view and it has been endorsed by The National Trust for Scotland which no longer places the emphasis on a straight England via Scotland encounter but a dynastic struggle for territory in the North of Britain, and this is fully explained in displays at the Bannockburn Heritage Centre, near the City of Stirling, in Scotland.
References
Primary
★ Barbour, John, ''The Bruce'', trans. A. A. M. Duncan, 1964.
★ Bower, Walter, ''
Scotichronicon'', ed. D. E. R. Watt, 1987-1193.
★ Gray, Thomas, ''Scalicronica'', edited and transalted by H Maxwell, 1913.
★ ''The Lanercost Chronicle'', ed and translated by H. Maxwell, 1913.
★ ''Vita Edwardi Secundi'' (Life of Edward the Second), ed. N. D. Young, 1957.
Secondary
★ Barrow, G. W. S., ''Robert Bruce and the Community of the Realm of Scotland'', 1988.
★ Nicholson, R., ''Scotland-the Later Middle Ages'', 1974.
★ Prestwich, M., ''The Three Edwards: War and State in England, 1272-1377'', 1980
★ Ramsay, J. H., ''The Genesis of Lancaster'', 1307-99, 1913.
★ Brown, C.K. , ''Robert the Bruce. A life Chronicled''.
★ MacNamee, C., ''The Wars of the Bruces''
★ Brown, M., ''Wars of Scotland''
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